788 


UC-NRLF 


ii  ii  in  i  nun  i 
*c  17  sts 


M^^__- 


. 


Quevedo  and  El  Buscon. 


(Preliminary  chapters  to  form  part  of  the  introduction  to  a 
critical  edition,  with  vocabulary  and  notes,  of  ElBuscon.) 


Submitted  by  R.  Selden  Rose,  in  partial  satisfaction  of  the 
requirements  for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy. 


i 


There  are  reatrons  why,  in  apite  of  various  re-editions,  the 
Buscon  has  never  been  adequately  studied; in  many  parts  it  is  re- 
pellent and  it  is  difficult  everywhere.  But  there  are  cogent  reasons 
why  it  should  be  treated  more  exhaustively  and  heroically  than 
heretofore,  riefly  they  are  those:  ...... 

(1).  If,  as  it  seems  reasonable  to  suppose,  the  fundamental  cause 
for  for  the  birth  of  the  picaresque  novel  was  satire  and  realism, 
then  thia  type  of  atory  reaches  its  greatest  height  with  the  Buscon. 
Pablos  is  the  last  of  his  race  in  Spanish  literature.  Lazarillo  de 
Manranares  and  Gregorip  Guadafia  serve  only  to  3how  that  the  auto- 
biegraphically  inclined  rogue  had  died  with  Pablos .They  are  unworthy 
of  his  company  and  of  Lazarillo's  and  Guzman's, 

f2).The  Buscon  is  representative  of  Qaevedo  in  his  best  satirical 
period;  perhaps  it  would  be  more  accurate  to  say  at  tsli  height  of 
his  first  satirical  period .Before  161?  politics  and  the  acionce  of 
government  had  not  come  to  dominate  his  writings.  It  is  the  companion 
piece  to  the  Sueflos.  so  closely  does  it  resemble  them  in  style, 
lenguage  and  subject  matter. 

(3).  A  satirical  work  ipBO  facto  must  throw  new  light  upon  the 
objects  of  its  satire.  In  the  Bascon  the  target  for  Quevedo's  ahots 
are  types  which  were  peculiarly  the  creation  of  his  OT/n  period  and 
others  which  are  the  common  property  of  all  periods.  Even  more 
valuable, perhaps, than  sketches  of  types  in  sharp  relief  ia  a  clean- 
cut  picture  of  the  general  level  of  society  as  seen  from  beneath. 

$4)  .  In  the  preparation  of  a  new  text  I  have  had  the  opportunity 

to  use  material  which  heretofore  had  not  been  available. 

- 


B8*X 


Tho  great  majority  of  Quevedo's  works  existed  in  manuscript 
form  for  a  considerable  period  before  they  were  sent  to  press. 
It  is  shown  in  another  part  of  this  introduction  that  Qaevedo 
wrote  the  Buscon  in  his  early  youth,  probably  prior  to  1608.  There- 
fore a  period  of  at  least  eighteen  years  had  elapsed  before  the 
appearance  of  what  we  are  forced  to  accept  as  the  first  edition. 
Such  was  the  case  with  the  Sueftos.  ;:uevedo  v/rote  in  preparing  the 
edition  of  163tl  of  the  Jur;uetes  de  la  ITifiez:  "Yo  eaoribi  mas  ha 
de  veinte  alios  los  que  llaraan  sueftos  mios.Tuve  felicidad  en  dar 
traslados  a  los  amigos,  mas  no  me  falto  cordura  para  oonooer  cue 
en  la  forma  que  estaban  no  eran  sufribles  a  la  lmprenta."In  1610 
uevedo  applied  for  permission  to  publish  a  collection  of  his 
satirioal  works, but  it  was  refused  him.  No  edition  of  a  satirical 
work  of  his  in  rose  is  extant  prior  to  the  Busoon  of  1626,rfthough 
it  is  quite  possible  that  some  few  of  them  ,  notably  the  Cartas  del 
Caballero  de  Ijx   Tanp.z.nr  had  been  printed  before  this  elate.  (In  tho 
Carta  Bidicula  de  Die,p;o  Monfar.Paz  y  Itelia,  Sales  3spanola3  1,416, 
they  appear  in  a  list  of  books  nuovamente  impresos .The  date  of  the 
Carta  Ridicula  is  December  4,1621 .The  earliest  edition  extant  of 
the  Cartas  del  Caballero  de  Is  Tenaza  is  of  1627.) Of  the  extremely 
fruitful  period  to  161£  there  were  published  prior  to  1626  only 
soattered  dedicatory  verses  in  the  preliminaries  to  other  volumes 
and  in  collections  such  as  Pedro  Rspinosa's  Floges  de  Poetas  Ilastrea 
de  ^spafla  f  Valladolid  1605).  The  great  body  of  his  satirical  ..orka 
in  prose  presumably  circulated  only  in  manuscript^and  in  ouch  form 
that  /uevedo  himself  confessed  tha  they  were  not  fit  to  print.  For 

the  3usoon  we  have  no  such  statement  as  has  been  quoted  above  touching 

'Jr 

the  Sueftos, but  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  «fchst«^sJfcat«rie«t  was 


y 


forced  .from  /uevedo  by  the  appearance  of  the  16;:7  (Saragoza  and 

Barcelona)  unrevised  editions  of  the  Pesvelos  Soflolientes  y  Ver- 

Dades  Sofladas,  These  editions  undoubtedly  represent  a  genuine 

but  unauthorized  version  of  the  frueflos . 

In  the  discussion  of  the  manuscript  material  used  in  the  preparation  & 

of  this  text  of  the  Buscon  it  will  be  proved  that  there  existed 

likewise  an  earlier  and  unauthorized  te  but  none  the  less  genuine 

version  of  the  Buscon, 

The  first  indication  of  th<->  existenco  of  reliable  manuscript 

variants  came  from  marginal  notes  made  by  Fernandez-Guorra  in  his 

own  copy  of  the  text  of  the  Buscon  as  published  in  his  edition  of 

the  Qbras  Commie tas  de  "uevedo.  Here  he  had  noted  only  such  variants 

as  he  had  thought  essential  to  to  the  correction  of  tho  text;Lut 

to  the  first  paragraph  of  Parte  II,Ca;o,Tiii  he  had  added  the 

following  note:  "Ei  preoioso  manuscrito  que  tengo  a  la  vista  varia 

notableanente  en  todo  este  parrnfc;"but  the  variants  were  not  noted 

in  detail  here .  But  tfcanks  to  his  diligenoe  the  variants  of  this 

invaluable  manuscript  have  been  noted  elsewhere  with  painstaking 

minuteness,*  They  are  preserved  among  Ferfcandez-Guerra's  papers  in 

^..Santander  under  this  title,  "El  Buscon  tVari  antes  que  resultau  de  xm 
* 

precioso  manuscrito  de  los  primeros  aflos  del  siglo  xvii  que  posee 
el  distinguldo  j?oeta  sevillano  Juan  Jose  Bueno." 

Evidently  before  relinquishing  the  Juan  Jose  Bueno  manuscript 
Pernandez-Guerra  had  transcribe  tho  variants  with  great  care, 
noting  e*«tt  gueso  for  hueso,Ha  for  o.prlesa  for  prisa  and  vice- 
versa,  truxeron  for  trajeron.and  even  significant  punctuation,  Saoh 
great  respect  was  due  to  the  importance  that  he  attaohed  to  this 
manuscript.  This  inference  is  supported  by  his  allusions  to  it  in 
the  marginal  notes  referred  to  above; for  example  at  the  word  vaeloo3 
(Parte  I,  Cap,  xii.)  ho  wrote: "El  manuscrito  que  estimo  por  original 


H 

dice  vueloos";  and  again  in  the  same  chapter  at  the  word  chaondaa  , 

"En  el  original  se  lee  cachondas,"In  the  bibliographical  note  preliminar" 

to  his  text  of  the  Buscon  he  had  added  the  following:  "Pero  sobre 

todo  me  he  valido  de  an  excelente  manuscrito.regalo  que  antes  de 

16: ft  debio  de  hacer  el  mismo  uevedo  a  algun  insigne  prooer.y  que 

generoaamente  me  ha  franqaeado  el  elegante  poeta  sevillano  D.  Juan 

Jose  Bueno;"  but  he  gives  no  reason  to  substantiate  his  assertion  AM*'* 

dates  from  earlier  than  1624.  The  last  bit  of  information  we  have 

is  a  letter  from  Juan  Jose  $uono  to  Fernandez-Guerra  in  which  he 

writos  that  before  forwarding  tho  manuscript  he  is  having  it  bounds 

A then  there  follows  a  description  of  the  projected  binding. 

As  Fernandez-Guerra  nowhere  definitely  states  that  the  manu- 
script is  either4fsigne  ;  or  in  fuevedo's  hand.triting  one  hesitates 
to  affirm  that  it  is  the  original, nor  is  there  any  external  evidence 
to  substantiate  the  assertion  that  it  has  the  authority  that  would 
naturally  belong  to  it  were  it  in  rorlity  a  personal  present  from 

vedo  himself.  The  internal  evidence  doeB  not  deny  the  possibility 
that  in  reality  this  was  the  c?ise,  nor  does  it  indiote  it. 

It  !■  time  to  examine  the  variants  themselves.  Do  they  appear 
to  have  beon  taken  from  a  version  of  the  3uscon  that  antedated  the 
fisat  edition  of  1626(2aragoza);or  are  they  merely  interpolations 
and  emendations  to  a  copy  of  the  printed  edition  ? 

(1).  Among  them  are  a  great  number  that  £  remarkable  for  their 
irroverence  and  even  blasphemy .For  example: fl) .Page  1,  note  7-8: 
"Eatuve  caBado  con  Aldonza  de  San  f»edro,hiju  de  Diego  de  San  Juan 
y  nieta  de  Andres  de  San  Cristobal.  Sospeohabase  en  el  pueblo  que 
no  era  criHtiana  vioja.aunque  ella  por  los  nombres  fttt  y  sobrenombres 
de  sua  paaados  quiao  esforzar  que  era  desoiendente  do  la  Gloria." 
(2) .Page  12,  notes  5,12.  are  two^allusions  to  religious  orders: 


"Parecia  oon  esto  y  con  3^a>^a»ta»ft  larga  y  la  sotana  y  el  boneton 


r 


teatino  lanudo" ;  and  referring  to  the  scant  liklihood  of  their  being 
cata  in  Cabra'e  household:  "  ue  H*   tiene  esto  de  refitorio  de  gero- 
nimos  para  que  so  orien  aqui  ?"  (3).  Page  23, note  10:  The  rafianes 
in  the  Venta  de  Yiveroa  arge  the  priest  to  3eat  himself  at  the  table 
saying'/'Pesia  diez,  la  Igle3ia  ha  de  ser  la  priraera.f  4)  .Page  37,notel0: 
the  landlady  at  Aloala  "Bendeoia  lac  ollas,  y  al  espumar  hacia 
Graces  eon  el  oaoharon.  Yo  pienso  que  las  conjunaba  para  aaoarles 
los  espiritus  ya  ue  no  ttBlfU)  CRrne."(5),  Page64»  note  16:MY  nueatras 

tas  eran  como  el  Mosias,  quo  nunca  venian  y  las  aguordabamos 
aiompre,"' 6)  ?age  70, note  3:"Sent*ronse  a  comer, en  cabecera  el  de- 
mandador.diciendo:  La  Iglesia  en  me^or  lugar;  sientese, padre,  ^cho 
la  bendiclon  ni  tio,  y  como  estaba  heoho  a  oantiguar  0  8palda8,pare- 
oian  mas  amegos  de  azotes  que  de  cruces."  (7).  Page  10£,  note  7:  No 
hallando  remeclio  contra  el  granizo,"iondoso  sin  eantidad  oerca  de 
morir  San  Feteban"  is  much  milder  in  the  printed  version: "  viendose 
cerca  de  morir  aln  tener  cosa  de  santidad  ni  aun  de  bondad,"  Page 
130,  note  3:  speaking  of  strolling  rlayers  and  their  wives, "que  estos 
son  de  los  que  dijera  algun  bcllaco  que  cumplen  el  preceto  de  San 
Pablo  de  tener  mujer  como  si  no  las  tuviosen^'s  also  milder  in  the 
printed  version, "se  pudo  deoir  que  tienen  mujeres  oono  si  no  las 
tuviesen,torciendo  la  sentoncia  en  malicia."f  9)Page  136,  note/L:"Al- 
zadas  las  manos  y  estendidos  los  brazos  a  lo  serafioo,recibiendo  las 
llagas.n  (10),  rage  137.  note  5:nHablaba  como  saoerdote  que  dioe  lae 
palabras  de  la  conaagracion"  in  the  printed  versions  is  merely: "Ha- 
blaba  tan  bajo." 

The  first  variant  cited  above  furnishes  a  clue  to  the  other  nine, 
i.e.  that  the  manuscript  reading  is  the  original  one  and  that  in  the 
preparation  of  the  work  for  tho  press  there  was  mnoh  that  had  to 
be  stricken  out  in  order  to  avoid  the  ban  of  the  censor.  The  editions 


•Mi 


b 


state  that  Aldonza  in  order  to  mantain  that  she  was  "oristiana  vieja" 
declared  that  she  was  a  descendant  of  the  Roman  Triumvirate.  The 
argument  that  she  brings  to  bear  is  hardly  an  effective  one .The  se- 
cond triumvirate  was  formed  forty-three  years  before  the  beginning 
of  the  christian  era.  On  the  other  hand  the  manuscript  reading  aayB 
that  Aldonza  cited  as  her  forefathers  a  San  Pedro,  a  San  Juan  and 
finally/^.  3an  Criatobal.and  claimed  from  them  that  she  was  a  deacon- 
fliante  de  la  Gloria^Cf  course  v.e  may  account  for  Aldonzas  lack  of 
logic  by  her  illiteracy,  but  is  it  not  more  probable  that  the  manu- 
script reading  is  the  original  one  and  that  the  substitute  in  the 
printe  version  is  a  sop  to  the  censor  ?  uevedo, moreover, was  not 

one  to  shrink  from  irreverence  S»-4ker^«r.  If  the  attacks  of  the 
/t 

Tribunal  do  la  Justa  Venganza  are  not  sufficient  evidence  of  this  ten- 
dency there  are  still  passages  in  the  Busoon  that  attest  it ,£04, "Te- 
ned,  haesped,  que  no  soy  Kcce  Homo  M  ?ear  that  the  censor  might 
refuse  hie  permission  to  print  has  made  a  hopeless  hodge-podge  of  the 
Sue no  de  Ian  Calaveras" through  the  substitution  of  Jupiter  for  the 
Allmighty  of  the  original  version.  It  may  be  added  that  the  variants 
cited  above  in  both  3tyle  and  wit  are  eminently  characteristic  of 
the  youthful  Quevedo. 

II.  Several  of  the  manuscript  variants  are  noteworthy  for  the  exuber- 
ance cf  an  imagination  run  riot  in  the  early  style  of  the  Quevedo 
of  the  Promaticas  and  of  the  first  three  Puefios.  Many  of  these  ho-vo 
lir**K  struck  .out  of  the  first  edition. 

(1).  Page  2,  note  5:  impreflaba  $vb\AfiWlfc\&B   con  pantorrillas  pos- 
tizaa.Y  con  no  tratarla  nadie  quo  se  le  cubriese  pelo,  solas  las 
oalvas  ae  la  oubria,  pofque  haoia  cabelleras,poblaba  quijadas  con 
dientes:  al  fin  vlvia  de  <«#&*****•  hombres  y  era  remendona  do  cuerpos. 


(2),  age  24,  note  2;  "Y  a  don  Piego  dieron  no  ae  que  guevoa  y 
alonea,diciendo  ^ue  del  cabrito  el  guesecito,  y  del  ave  el  aloncito, 
y  cue  el  refran  lo  decia.  Con  lo  oual  nosotros  comimos  refranes  y  ellos 
ares, 

(3).  Page  62,  note  3:  "I  en  llegando  a  ese  lugarcillo  del  diablo 
nos  reniten  a  la  sopa  y  al  ooche  de  los  pabres  en  San  I'olipe.donde 
-  di&on  corrillos  se  haoe  oonsejo  de  catado  y  guerra  en  pie  y 
desab.    71   y  en  rida  nos  hucon  soldados  oon  pena  por  Ion  olnen- 
,„■  si  pedimos  entretenirciento,  nos  enviun  a  la  comediajy  si 
Tentajas.r.  los  jugadores.  Y  con  < nto,comido8  de  piojos  y  guospodao, 
nos  volvenoa  on  este  pelo  a  rogar  a  los  moros  y  heresies  con  nueetroa 
•oexpotV 

(4),  Page  83,  note  9:  "Entro  por  le  puurta  una  ©Bt<  ntigua  vestida 
de  bc.yota  hasta  loa  piea.punto  menos  de  ijrlaa  Conzalo,  ■  ue  al  nismo 
Portugal  empalagara  de  bayetaa." 

(5).  "age  03,  note  12:  "Hijo.tengo  en  las  espaldas  una  gatera  aoom- 
pafiad?  &••«,, una  maneha  de  aceite:  que  en  mi  hato,aunque  oamineis 
4,  ea&lquler  j  rto.nunoa  saldreia  do  la  Lamoha,  que  pareee  que  hago 
caravanes  para  lechuz&  y  que  retozo  con  algunoa  oandilea," 

(6),  Tag*  97,  note  13;  rTopo  con  un  licenoiado  Flechilla,  aiaigo 
mio,  que  veni&  aldoando  por  la  oalle  aba jo,  con  maa  barroa  que  la 

oara  de  un  sanguino  y  tantos  rabos  quo  parecla  un  ohirrion  oon  cotan  , 

A. 
pulpo  a  nero&for  que  oargaba  para  Italia •" 

(7).  "age  124,  note  10:w7ioja  de  bien,  ar:/ ^ada  y  13ena  de  afeite, 

que  parecla  higo  enharinado,  niffa  si  se  lo  preguntaban,  oon  bu.  cara 

de  araeaca,  entre  chufa  y  castafta,  opilada,  t&rtamuda,barbada  y  vizca 

y  rorea;  no  le  faltaba  una  gota  para  bruja. 


■ 


$ 


(8).  Page  124,  note  20:  "Enlucia  raanoB  y  gargantas,  aoioalaba  dientes^ 
arrancaba  el  vello,  tenia  un  bebediao  que  llaraaba  Herodes,  porque 
oon  el  mataba  los  niftos  en  las  barrigas  y  haoia  malparir  y  mal  em- 
prefiar." 

III.  There  are  passages  in  the  manuscript  which  seem  to  indicate 
not  that  it  is  someone  else's  effort  to  imp r ore  upon  the  original, 
bat  whose  manifest  inferiority  to  <freh  corresponding  passages  in  the 
first  edition  indicate  that  the  printed  version  followed  a  revision 
of  the  original  version. 

(1).  Page  8,  note  3:  1T  Sail  en  uno  como  caballo,  mojor  dijera  en 
un  oof re  vivo,  que  no  anduvo  con  peores  pasos  Roberto  del  Diablo, 
Begun  andaba.  El  era  rucio  y  rodado  el  que  iba  enaima,  por  lo  quo 
cuia  en  todo.  La  edad  no  hay  que  tratar: vizniet03  tenia  en  tahonas. 
De  su  rasa  no  se  mas  de  que  sospeoho  que  era  ^udio,  aegan  era  me- 
droso  y  d^adicl'iado."  Is  not  the  reading  of  the  first  edition  a  de- 
cided improvement  upon  the  foregoing;  "  Sail  en  un  caballo  etico  y 
muatio,  el  oual  maB  de  laanoo  que  de  blen  oriado,  iba  haoiendo  raveren- 
oias;  las  ancas  eran  de  mona  may  sin  cola,  el  peaoueao  de  caiaello 
y  mas  largo,  la  oc.ra  no  tenia  sino  on  ojo,  aunque  overo.  Schabansele 
de  ver  las  penitencias ,  ayunas  y  fullerias  del  que  le  tor.ie.  a  cargo 
en  el  aanarle  la  raoion."  Zaragoza  16£6:"?asose  la  merien 

(£).  Page  15,  note  8:  da  en  bianco;  oenamos  rcuoho  me- 

1SJ3/.  Paaoae  la  merienda  en  bianco    nos  y  no  carnero,  sino  un  pooo 
y  la  $ena  ya  que  no  se  paso  en     del  nombre  del  maestro,  oabra 
blanoo.se  paso'  en  noreno:  pasas     asada.  Hire  vuesa  reerced.  si  in- 
y  alruendras  y  oandil  y  doa  ben-     ventara  el  dlatlo  tal  cosa, 
diciones,  pore ue  se  dijese  que 
cenabamos  con  bendicion. 


(3) .  rage  16,  note  3: 
MS.  "Todos  mandaronme  leer 
el  primer  nominativo  a  los 
otros ." 
(4) .Page  16,  note  17: 
MS.  "Metiala  colgando  de  an 


Zaragoza,16i  6«  "Mandaronme  leer 
el  primer  nomlnatlTO  a  los  otros. 


Zaragoza.1626.  "Metiala  col- 


oordel  a  la  olla.  Dabase  la  olla  gando  de  un  cordel  en  la  olla 


por  entendlda  del  toclno, 
y  noBotros  corniarnos  algunas 
sospeoha8  de  pernll." 


(5)  .Page  E3,note4z 
MS.  "Un  aguelo  tavo  vuesa 
merced,tio  de  mi  padre  que 
Jamas  oomlo  lechugasjy  son 
malas  para  la  memoria,y  mas 
de  noche;  yftataa   no  son  buenas," 

(6) .Page  25,  note  2: 
MS.  "Saoo  todas  ouantas  habia, 
y  en  su  lugar  puso  piedras, 
palos  y  lo  que  hallo  y  en- 
cj.ma  dos  o  tres  yesones." 


porque  la  dlese  algun  zumo  por 
los  agujeros  y  quedase  para  otro 
dia  el  tocino,  Pareoiole  despues 
que  en  esto  se  gastaba  mucho  y 
dio  en  solo  asomar  el  tocino  en 
la  olla." 

Zaragoza.l6£6.  "Un  aguelo  tuvo 
Tuesa  merced,tio  de  mi  padre, que 
en  viendo  lechugas  se  desmayaba. 
;Que  hombre  era  mas  cabal'" 


/ 


3arap:oza.lG::6."Saco  todas  cuantai 
habia,y  en  su  lugar  puso  piedras, 
palos  y  lu  qixe   hallo. Luego  se 
proveyo"'  nobro  lo  dicho,y  enoima 
de  In  suoiedad  puoo  hacta  una 


docena  de  yesones." 
And  when  the  old  miser  opens  his  saddle-bags  he  finds  only 

a  yea on.  but  in  the  first  edition  it  is  a  yeson  untado. 


\  v 


(7).  Page  54,  note  8,  A  sentence  is  muoh  improved  by  the  omission 
of  a  clause. 


MS  ."Mas  se  me  ha  de  agradecer  a  mi  que 
no  he  tenido  de  quien  aprender  virtud 
ni  a  quien  pareoer  en  ella.que  al  que 
la  hereda  de  sua  aguejfoa." 


Saragoza,16r6."Maa  se  me 
ha  de  agradecer  a  mi, que 
no  he  tenido  de  quien  ap- 
render virtttd.que  al  que 
la  hereda  de  sub  aguelow.' 


"araftosa,16r6." 


By  the  omission  of  lo  quo 

the  sentence  becomes  intelligible 


(8).  Page  63, note  1. 
Jg*."Dije...que  el  Cid  ni 
Bernardo  no  habian  heoho 
lo  que  el .Sal to  en  esto 
y  diJo:nDios  que  ni  lo  que 
Garcia  de  Paredes, Julian 
Romero  ni  otros  hombres 
de  bien." 

(9) .  Page  86, note  4. 

MS."Haciase  soldado,y  habialofc  sido  en  "aragoza.l6?6."Eaoiaae  sol 

los  alojamientoa  y  hasta  en  dado,y  habialo  sido,pero 

la  mar."  malo  y  en  partes  quietas." 


(lo).  Page  88, note  10. 
MS ."Paaieronme  una  espuela 
en  la  pretina." 


Zara/?oza,16£6  ."Pusieronme 
una  esquela  en  la  pretina. 


(11).  Page  93, note  12. 

Jg.nSllaa  se  oegaron  con  esto  y  con  unos  Zaragoza.l6:6.',Ellaa 

oien  escudos  en  oro."  juzgaron  con  esto  y  con  un 

esoudo  de  oro  que  yo  saque 

de  los  que  traia,oon  aohaque  de  dar 

limosna  a  un  pobre  que  me  la  pidio,  que- 
yo  era  algun  oaballero." 


Il 

(12).  Page  97, note  1. 
Mo," Ho  levantaba  los  ojos  a  las     Zaragoza,16£6.nHo  levantaba  lq£ 
ma,1ores,pero  querialas.si."        ojos  a  las  mujeres.pero  las 

faldas.sf." 

17.  In  many  passages  the  reading  of  the  printed  version  is  much 
fuller  than  that  of  the  manuscript. 
(1).  Page  2,note  6.  The  manuscript  omlts:nfto  me  detrendre  en 

deoir  la  penitenola  que  hacia .Tenia  un  aposento  donde  sola 
ella  entraba  (y  algunas  veoes  yo,que  oomo  era  chico  podia) 
todo  rodeado  de  calaveras  que  ella  deoia  eran  para  memorias 
de  la  mu&rte.y  otros.por  vituperarla,  que  para  voluntades 
de  la  vida.  Su  cama  estaba  armada  sobre  sogas  de  ahorcado, 
y  deciame  a  ml:%ue  piensas?  Con  el  recuerdo  desto  aoonsejo 
a  los  que  bien  ^uiero  que,  para  que  so  libren  dellas,  vivan 
con  la  barba  sobre  el  hombro,  de  suerte  que  ni  aun  con  rai- 
nimos  indicios  se  les  averigue  lo  que  hieiOrfcn." 

(2).  In  the  printed  version  the  interview  between  Pablos'  mother 

and  father  is  more  vivid  than  in  the  manuscript.  The  following 
appears  in  the  former  and  not  in  the  latter: (Page  3,  note  7.) 
"Mas  dijera  segun  se  habla  encolerizado  si  con  I03  golpes 
que  daba.no  se  le  desensartara  un  rosario  de  muelas  de  difun- 
tos  quo  tonia."  A  few  linoB  further  on  the  manuscript  reads: 
"Mi  madre  se  entro  dentro" .while  the  printed  version*  "Mi 
madre  torno  a  oouparse  en  onsartar  las  muelas ."(note  22.) 
(3).  The  following  appears  in  the  printed  version  and  not  in  the 
manuscript:  (Page  6, note  4)  ."jAh  madre  i  pesame  solo  de  que 
algunos  de  los  que  se  hallaron  me  dijeron  no  tenia  que  ofen- 
derme  por  ello,  y  no  les  pregunte  si  era  por  la  pooa  edad 
del  que  lo  habia  dioho." 


(4)  •  rage  ;3»  notc4.  Speaking  of  morisco3  the  printed  version  adds: 
"que  hay  may  grande  cosecha  desta  gente  y  de  la  qae  tiene 
cobradas  narioes,que  solo  les  faltan  para  oler  tooino.  Digo 
esto  oonfesando  la  macha  nobleza  que  hay  entre  la  gente  prin- 
cipal, qae  oiorto  ee  macho." 

i 

(5).  ;:age  58 .note  4,  Pablof*  stratagem  to  rob  the  house-keeper 

is  entirely  omitted  in  the  manuscript,  and  instead  of  it  w« 
have  the  foil owing:" Kb ta  ha  de  ser  ruin  conmigo,pues  lo  es 
con  su  :irio,''  deoia  yo  entre  mi.  ?-lla  debia  da  decir  lo  mismo 
porque  chocamo8  de  ombuste  el  uno  con  el  otro,  y  por  poco  se 
desoubriera  la  hilaza.  Qoiedamos  amigos  oomo  gatos  y  porros, 
que  en  dospensa  ea  peor  que  gatos  y  perros ."How  if  the  manu- 
script is  a  later  version  what  possible  motive  could  there 
have  been  for  the  omission  of  this  episode  ?  On  the  other 
hand  there  is  evidence  in  the  text  of  the  printed  version 

that  the  episode  was  hastily  introduced  by  Q uevedo. He re,  after 

JL 

recounting  th£  adventure  Pablos  continues: "Yo  qae  me  vi  ya 
mal  con  el  ama  y  que  no  la  podia  burlar."But  this  is  non- 
sense coming, as  it  does, upon  the  heels  of  his  account  of  how 
he  had  been  able  tojtake  her  in  completely;  but  it  does  fit 
perfectly  into  the  manuscript  version  which  is  careful  to  sap 
that  the  house -keeper  looked  upon  Pablos  with  as  much  sus- 
picion as  he  upon  her. 

(6),  Page  66 .note  10.  Speaking  of  the  porouero  at  his  uncle's 
feast  in  Segovia  ablos  says:"Conooilo  por  el  -  hablaido 
con  perdon  -  cuemo  que  traia  en  la  mano."  The  editions  add 
"Y  para  andar  al  aso  solo  erro  en  no  tralle  encima  de  la 
oabeza."If  we  assume  that  the  manuscript  is  a  later  attempt 


i3 

to  improve  upon  the  printed  version  is  it  probable  that  the 
hypothetical  author  of  the" improvements"  would  omit  the 
passage  quoted  above  while  at  the  same  time  introducing 
certain  other  variants  that  we  have  already  aeen£(cf.I.) 

(7).  Another  instance  of  the  same  nature  as  (5)  occurs  on  page 
100 .note  1,  where  the  following  appears  in  the  printed 
version  and  not  in  the  manuscript 4" y  a  la  media  noche  no 
haoian  sino  venir  presos  y  sol tar  presos.  Yo  quo  oi  el  ruido 
al   principio.penaando  que  eran  truenos,  empeoe  a  santiguar- 
me  y  llamar  a  Santa  Barbara;  mas,  viendo  que  olian  mal,  oche 
de  ver  que  no  eran  truenos  de  buena  casta,  Olian  tanto,que 
por  fuerza  do tenia  las  narices  en  la  oama.  Unos  traian  camaraB 
y  otros  r.posentos."  Naturally  the  introduction  of  this  passage 
accounts  for  the  appearance  in  the  printed  version  of  the 
puni"Yo  me  desculpaba  con  decir  que  en  toda  la  noche  me 
habian  dejado  fterrar  los  ojos  a  puro  abrir  loa  suyos."(Page 
100, note  14.)  . 

T.     In  Parte  I,  Ca/'ltulo  2  of  the  B use on  Pabloo  roads  the  ?re- 
maticu  contra  loo  Foetus  Gueros,  Chirlaa  y  Hebonou.  During 
the  journey  from  Alcala  to  Sejas  he  had  met  the  verse-making 
saoristan  of  Majalaonda  and  had  been  tortured  by  the  pro- 
ductions of  his  abominable  muse .The  Prematica  is  introduced 
as  a  rebuke  to  poets  of  his  ilk .There  is  good  cause  to  believe 
that  the  date  of  composition  of  the  first  draught  of  this 
Prematica  antedated  the  first  edition  of  the  Buaoon  by  a  dozen 
or  more  years.  Fernandejr-Ouerra  in  his  edition  of  the  wfcrks 
of  ^;uevedo  (I, p. 437.)  plaoes  it  towt  rd  the  end  of  the  jnar 
i6l3, pointing  out  at  the  same  time  that  Cervantes  in  the 


1* 


YiaJe  del  ?arnaso  (1614)  had  referred  to  Quevedo  thus: 

nSs  el  flagelo  de  poetas  nemos 

Y  oohara  a  puntillazos  del  Parnaso 

Los  malos  que  esperamos  y  tenemos." 

Bat  the  dates  of  the  composition  of  the  rematicas  may 

perhaps  be  put  still  earlier  owing  to  the  singular  coincidence 

vrtiich  strangely  enough  has  hitherto  escaped  notice,  that  Mateo 

[ji*  of) 
Aleman  in  the  second  part  of  the  Gasman  de  Alfarache  inserts 

a  large  part  of  Ciaovedo's  Prematicas  y  Aranoelefr  Gonerales. 
•The  inn-keopor  in  .''aragosa  reads  to  Guzman  (Parte  II, lib  .III, 
Cap,i,BA.p,335)  an  Arancel  de  Kacedades_«Mateo  Aleman  apparent- 
ly hesitated  to  assume  thft  authorship  of  it  saying;  "Pueso 
y  trujo  an  libro  grand®  que  dijo  ser  donde  asentuba  las  en- 
tredas  d«  los  hermanos,y  sacando  dol  unis  pliegos  de  papel 
qae  tenia  saoltos(coinenzo  a  leerme  unas  ordenanzas.de  las  ouales 
dire  algunas  que  me  oaedaron  en  la  memorial  The  inn -keeper 
then  reads  about  half  of  Queveao's  Promatioa  jbut  it  is  clear 
from  the  context  that  much  more  was  then  oxtantj  Guzman  inter- 
rupts him  and  the  remainder  of  the  Aranoel  is  left  for  the 
following  night ,f cf.BA ,p. 321, col ,l,)There  cannot  be  the  least 
doubt  thet  this  Arancel  was  Quevodo'a,  because  he  recast  it 
later  for  publication  in  Barcelona  1628,  when  it  appeared 
under  the  title  Promatioa  del  Ticmpo  »  and  also  because  under 
this  second  title  it  served  as  ground  for  attack  by  the  author 
ot  the  Tribunal  de  la  Juste  Venpanza. 

The  insertion  of  this  paragraph  has  seemed  neoessary  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  the  Juan  Jose  Bueno  manuscript  con- 
tained variants  rhieh  in  several  instances  represent  another 
and  probably  earlier  version  of  the  Prematioa  contra  afcMuia 


A 


103  Poetaa  G  aero  a  eto.  ie.  the  version  published  by  Fernandez- 
Guerra  (Obras  de  Quevedo  I, p. 437)  under  the  title  Prematioas 
del  Desengaflo  oontra  los  - oetas  Pueros Moreover  there  is  an 
indioation  in  the  text  of  the  B age on  that  the  prematioa  had  al- 
ready been  passed  about  in  manuscript  form.  Pablos  ref ors  to  it 
thus: "una  prematioa  que  habia  salido  oontra  olios  ds  uno  que 
lo  fixe  y  ae  recogio  a  buon  vivir." (p.57.)Then  before  reading 
it  T'ablo  Bays^Itarre  el  prolog©  y  oomenoe  el  primer  oapitulo . 
fp,58)  How  the  voroion  published  by  Fsmandaz-Suerra  contains 
a  prologo  of  a  paragraph's  length. (nEos, el  Desengaflo, eto ."or 
ouanto  henon  aabido  que  la  mayor  parte  del  mundo,olvidada  de 
naestras  verdades,  ha  dado  en  seguir  la  falsa  seta  de  los  postas 
ohirles  y  hehenes.por  ultimo  jr  efioar,  remaidio  de  nuestros 
reinos  nos  plugo  ordenar  y  ordenrjmos  estaS  prematioas,  y  las 
mand.«jnor?  gunrdar  a  todos,  so  las  nuostras  iras  y  penalidad  de 
nuestra  desgracia,") 

The  variants  are  these: - 
Manuscript.                   %arap:o3a,l(>?,6. 
( 1) .Page  68,nota8v"Pramatioa  { tJPrematioa 


del  desengaflo." 
( E)  .Ibid., note  10:"A  malaa  mujores  y  que  los  (r)."  a  las  malas 

prediquen  saoando  Cristos  mr.^eres  y  que  lo^ 

para  convartlrlos."  deaengaflen  del 

yerro  en  que  an- 
dan  y  procuren 
^W  convert!  rlos.'' 

(3), Page  59,note  3:"han  pflgado  (3)  ."ha  pegado  el  dioho  achaoue," 
el  dioho  achaque." 


IV 


U). Page  59 .note  4:"y  por        (4)."y  porque  aquel  es$a  pobre." 

ouanto  el  alglo  03ta  pobre." 
(5).  Page  59,note  6:"Haoen  sua    (5)  .*Omits:"oomo  astatoaa  de 

damas  de  todos  me tales         Uabuoo." 

oomo  estatuas  de  IJabuco." 
(6).  Page  61, note  £:"que  no       (6) ."que  no  puodan  vivir  sin 

paodan  vivir  sin  los  tales      tales  poetaa." 

pootas ," 
(7).  ^Otje  51, not o  6:"oasani<'nto3,  ( 7)  rocisainientos.y  a  los  ciagOB" 

nl  began  las  traaaa  con  pa- 

polea  o  cintaa,y  a  loo  de 

ciegos..." 
(8).  Pege  61, note  2: "quo  no  jucguen  (Of.^que  no  jueguen  de  vorablo 

del  -ooablo" 
(9).  Page  61, note  IE: "por  abogndoa 

a  la  hora  de  la  muerte."      (9)#"por  abogados  en  la  hora 

de  la  iiiuorte." 

YI.     The  Bueno  manuscript  assumed  that  there  was  or  would  be 
a  sedond  part  to  the  Buscon  .There  what  Is  now  Capitulo  Pri- 
mero  oi*  el  Libro  Segundo  has  the  oaption  Libro  Tercero  y  Ul- 
timo de  la  Primera  parte  de  la  Yida  del  Buscon. (of ,p.83,n.l.) 
The  last  sentence  holds  out  the  same  promise: "Determine.... de 
pa8arme  a  Indlas....a  vor  si  mudando  tierra/mejoraria  ml 
suerte;y  fueme  peor.como  vuesa  merced  vera  8n"la  segunda  parte.'' 
f of ,p.l4E,n5.)  Throughout  the  printed  version, on  the  other 
hand, there  is  no  allusion  whatsoever  to  a  3econd  part.  Is  it 
not  reasonable  to  suppose  that  at  the  time  of  the  first  writing 
of  the  Buscon  uevedo  did  plan  to  write  a  second  part, but 


I 


that  as  no  second  part  is  extant  and  as  there  is  no  mention 
of  it  in  the  printed  version  is  it  not  then  probable  that  the 
printed  version  is  a  revision  of  the  manusoript  version  ? 

VII  •   The  style  of  the  variants  throughout  is  characteristic  of 
Quevedo;  no  one  of  them  thrust  into  the  body  of  the  text  but 
would  have  the  genuine  ring  of  Quevedo, The  following  is  an 
example  of  their  sentence  structure: "Mo  pido  mas  un  ochavo." 
Y  respofldio  un  rufian:"No  sino  barlarase  oon  est©  oaballero 
delante  de  nosotros;aunque  vontero,sabe  lo  que  ha  de  haoer. 
Dejese  vuesa  mereed  gobernar.que  en  mano  e3ta."Y  tosiendo. 
cogio  el  dinero.contolo  y  dijo.sobrando  del  que  sao^mi  amo 
ouatro  reales.los  asio,diciendo:,,F.sioa  Iob  dare  de  posida.y 
a  estos  pioaros  oon  cuatro  roales  se  les  tapa  la  boca."(of  ,p, 
26, n. 18.) One  frequently  fin**whole  phrases  and  puns  that 

aevedo  has  used  elsewhere  in  his  works.  The  following, perhaps, 
are  significant: 

(U/Pagcjl.note  9:"i£ujer  de      "  De  los  tres  anemigoB  que  hay  de 
amigos  de  ouadrilla  y  de  pooos   alma/ 
enemigos.porque  hasta  los  tres   Ilevaredes  la  palma, 
del  alma  no  los  tenia  por  tales. "Y  con  valor  y  pruebas  excelentes 

Los  venoeriedes  voa  entre  las 
las  gentes,...n(A  ■  na  Llujer  'laoa: 

Obraa  Comrletas, 
Bib .And. II, 15) 
"A  la  muerte  estamoB  tcdoa  todos, 
Muy  cerca  de  condenarnoB, 
Porque  ya  el  cundo  y  la  oarne 

Nos  deja  en  poder  del  .Diablo/' 

(Confision  que  hacen  los  Santos 
de  3ub  cu.lpas.Ibia. 303.) 


(£).  Page  l.note  9."TuYO_nay 

baen  pareoer  para  letrado" 
(It  will  be  remembered  that  the  variant 
describes  Aldonza  a/vie Ja. . .con 
oanas  y  rota." 


03). Page  13, note  13."Y  tomando 
el  caohillo  por  el  cuerno, 
plcole  con  la  punta;y  aso- 


Qge  tiene  baen  pare-- 

qex, 

Por  lo  letrado  y  lo 

vleja, 

Y  que  ease  sangre  tan 

olara, 

Que   Jamas  ha  sido  yem£ 
(Koau.nce:  ibid  .p  ,35 ) 

"Do  su  baen  pare oar  me  has  informado 

como  si, por  vontora,la  quisiera, 

por  su  baen  parecer,para  letrado." 

(Hien^os   iol  i,kttrirnonio;  ibid . 

p. 271.) 

"Al  que  7)ayid  hizo  andrajos 

La  portada  del  coner  . 

Preciado  de  que  en  Alcides 


mandole  a  las  narices.trayendole  en  Es  papahipjo  sa  pr.pel.," 
prooesion  por  la  g6et&a&66e  la         (Celebra  el  tiro  con  qae  dio 


oara. 


muerte  a  on  Toro  el  Key  ITqes A 
tro  Seflor '.ibid. p .386.) 


(4) .Page  124, note  20 ."Tenia  an 

Is 

bebfldizo  qqe  llamaba  Her odea, 
porque  oon  el  mataba  los  niflos 
en  las  barrigas.y  haoia  mal- 
parir  y  mal  empreflar." 


Desde  esta  Sierra  Forena, 
En  donde.huyner'o  del  siglo, 
Conventual  de  las   ,1araP, 
Entre  pefiascos  habito^. 

A  vos  el  doctor  Herodejs. 
Paes  andaie  matando  niflna. 
Y  si  Dios  no  lo  remedla 
Sereis  el  dia  del  juioio. 

(Hesponde  a  la  Carta  de   un    'Qdlo<» 
ibid  ,p  .246. ) 


. 


[&< 


•A 

(5) .Page  2, not©  5. "Coal  In  llamaba     "la  enflaatadora  de  oaerpoa. 
enflautadora  de  miembfeos.y  coal  la  madre  Masicoral, 
tejedora  de  oaraes."  La  engarzadora  de  oalpas 

Y  del  infierno  zaguan." 

(Carta  al  Conde  de  Saatagot 
ibid  .p  .356 . ) 
"Oh  Bobresorito  de  Beroebus,pinta  de  Sa- 
tr.nases,recovera  de  condenaoiones.enca- 

L 

flutetora  de  personas.y  enflaatadora  de 
raiembro3.."(Kl  Sntronetido.La  Dnena  y  El 

Soplon  .P. 367.001.1.) 
"Engarzadora  de  ouerpoa, oslabonadora  de 
gentes  ,onfflautaflora  de  personas. . ." 
(La  Horn  do  Tofloa,p«3Qg.) 
(6)  .Page  ;;£.n.l."Dos  estudiantes 
fregones.de  loa  de  mantellina, 
panaas  al  trote.andaban  esparoidoa  por  la  v«nta 
para  engullir." 

"Oh  que  panzas  ol  trote 
Han  aido  mi  a  comppfferoB 
En  bordado  y  gcamicienes 
LLe van  a  Vizcaya  hierro." 

(Don  Peranton  a  lae  Boflag  del  "rinoipe. 

ibid. p. £58.) 
"Viernca  es  buen  dia  para  hair  del  aoree- 
dor  y  de  la  ejeouoton  y  de  la  cmbestidu- 
ra  meridiana  de  las  panzaa  -1  trote." 
(Libro  de  todas  las  Connn  cto.p479.) 


"Llevabalos  un  compafiero  panza  al  trote" / 
(La  Hora  de  Tod08«p.396.) 

There  are  other  less  significant  indications  of  the  genuineness 
of  the  Bueno  manuscript  .Among  these  should  he  noted  the  preference 
for  the  ubo  of  the  feminine  form  of  the  artfole  before  feminine 
nouns  beginning  with  stressed  a  or  jh,ateg,gfit^tin,t.p.20>nn,3t16;p.28> 
n.l4;p.35,nn.l,4;p.36,n,7;p.37,n.l0;p.44,n,5;  Quevedo  defended  this 
usage  in  the  dedication  of  the  Cutmto  do  CuQntos.tel  almatdecimos; 
y  supuesto  el  alma  bueno  no  se  puede  aooir,4fcrel,que  es  articulo 
rsasculino.ha  de  ser  la»y  pronunoiar  la  alma"  .Ed .F-G.II ,p  .400 . )and 
that/that  was  his  usual  manner  of  writing  is  dear  from  a  glanoe  at 
his  manusoripts.2  ( 2).|The  use  of  the  forms  in  U  -  truxo  y  truxeron 
for  traxo  and  frraxuron. of  .p .13 . n .4 ipf-0 , n .5 ;p  .65 . nn .10 .  14 ;p  .86 . n .3 ; 
p.97,n.l0.(3)  .The  preference  for  u  ^'or  o;cf  .p.l4,n,2;p.l7,n5;p.29,n.3; 
p.30tn.9;p.36,n.9;p.9^tn,7;p.ir2tn,4;p.l38,n.l5;(4)rage  50, n, 11, the 
manuscript  reads;  "J-il  guesped  que  me  vio  reir  y  le  vio;  the  editions: 
"El  huesped  we  vio  reir  y  ae  rio"/.The  variant  le  vio  for  se_  rio 
may  perhaps  indioate  that  the  Bueno  manuscript  was  a  copy  c/c.uevedo's 
original  for  this  reason: Quevedo* s  initial  ®   was  a  long   and  is 
easily  confused  with  an  1  *vhioh  he  made  very  often  in  identical 
fashion .likewise  hiB  v'b  and  r's  are  oiten  indistinguishable, /£-»  S. 

To  sum  up  briefly,  these  are  the  arguments  that  T  have  advanced 
in  favor  of  the  authentoity  of  the  Bueno  manuscript  ?nd  its  con- 
sequent eligibility  for   use  in  the  preparation  of  p  critical  text: 
$1) .  I  have  endeavoured  to  show  that  many  of  the  variants  represent 
a  version  of  tjje  Dunoon  which  on  aooount  on  account  of  irreverent 
allusions  was  unfit  for  general  circulation  and  publication.*?,)  That 
there  are  many  variants  vhich  on  aooount  of  their  youthful  exuberpnce 


n 


are  characteristic  of  tho  oarly  style  of  Quevedo  and  which  more 
mature  judgment  considered  unworthy, £3)  That  in  numerous  caBes 
the  improvement  in  the  reading  of  the  first  edition  is  so  evident 
that  it  musjt  have  been  the  result  of  revision  of  the  version  of 
the  Bueno  manuscript ,(4) That  the  first  edition  in  oertain  passages 
indicates  that  it  is  an  elaboration  of  the  manuscript  version.(5) 
Illogical  readings  in  the  text  of  the  first  edition  are  made  clear 
by  the  manuscript  reading, and  that  these  illogical  readings  are  the 
result  of  later  interpolations  or  changes  in  the  tert  .(6)The  ?re- 
matica  contra  los  Poetas  Oueros.etg,  .in  tho  nanusoript  version 
more  nearly  approaches  the  original  than  in  the  printed  version, 
(7)  Allusions  in  the  manuscript  to  a  second  part  of  the  Buscon  in- 
dicate a  project  which  was  later  abandoned  by  f}uevedo.(8)  Com- 
parison of  the  style  of  the  manuscript  with  other  works  of  Cuevedo 
indicates  its  genuineness* 

Before  this  discussion  of  the  manuscript  is  closed  something 
must  be  added  with  regard  to  the  use  that  I  have  made  of  it  in  the 
preparation  of  the  text.  As  there  oan  be  no  doubt  that  the  text 
of  the  ZaragoBa  edition  of  16f:6  more  or  less  careful  pruning  and  addi- 
tiohs  by  Quevedo'B  own  hand, I  have  introduced  into  the  body  of  the 
text  only  suoh  variants  from  the  manuscript  as  have  seemed  indis- 
pensable for  the  intelligibility  of  the  story. If  the  reading  of  the 
first  edition  is  intelligible, though  illogical, I  have  ^referred  to  & 
leave  it  as  it  stands  rather  than  to  make  a  radical  change  by 
omission  or  by  introduction  from  the  manuscript .In  no  case  have  I 
tampered  with  the  substance  of  the  first  edition.A  word  has  been 
substituted  for  another  or  a  phrase  adaed  only  in  cases  where  a  bad^)^ 
reading  appears  to  be  the  fault  of  the  rr interior  example, I  have 
introduced  phrases  from  the  manuscript  in  page  18, n. 9;  and  in  page 
119. n. 12. 


% 


>y 


Editions , 

It  seems  reasonable  to  accept  that  the  first  edition  of 
the  Buseon  waB  published  in  16£6  by  Padro  Verges,  a  printer 
of  raragoza.  Tarsia  in  his  Life  of  Quevedoff .  )  states  that 


Quevedo  took  advantage  of  the  royal  progress  to  the  Cor**r> 
of  Barbastro.Monzon  and  Barcelona  in  the  early  part  of/(16r6^ 
to  arrange  with  the  published  Roberto  Duport  in  ZaragOM  for 
the  publication  of  several  rorks.  These  were  the  Polltica  fle 
Pios,  Goblerno  do  Crl3to,  Tirania  de  Satanas  and  the  Buncon. 
Moreover  the  author  of  an  attack  upon  Quevedo, published  in  1635, 
(Tribunal  de  la  Justa  Venflansa)  says  of  the  Buseon  "que  pri- 
meramente  fue  impreso  en  la  ciudad  de  Zaragoza" .? p. 41,)  The 
jlirobacion  signed  by  Rnteban  de  Peralta  Is  dated  in  Santa  Rn- 
gracia  de  Zaragoza  April  £9,16£6;  the  Ilcencle  del  Ordinario, 
D.  Juan  de  Salinas,  vas  granted  in  Zaragoza  Kay  £,  16T6;  the 
AproUtcion  of  el  Doctor  Calisto  Komirez  is  dated  Piaragoz^May 
13,16: 6;  and  the  prlvilepio  for  ten  years  in  favor  of  Roberto 
Duport  was  signed  by  D.  Juan  Fernandez  de  Eeredia  in  Calatayud, 
May  £6,  1G£6.  A  perfect  copy  of  this  edition, handsomely  "hound, 
is  preserved  in  the  Biblioteca  Raclonal  at  Madrid,  It  was  for- 
merly the  property  of  P.  Pascual  tfnyangos,  The  edition  wan  printed 
on  good  paper  and  in  mechanical  details  is  remarkable  for  neither 
perfection  or  extraordinary  Carelessness. 

How  nearly  the  manuscript  delivered  to  Koberto  Duport,  the 
publishor,  roseinbled  the  original  draught  of  the  Buseon  has  been 
discussed  in  another  part  of  this  introduction.  At  all  events 
it  must  have  been  fairly  satisfactory  to  the  author.  Whether  or 
not  the  result  of  Pedro  Verges'  work  was  satisfactory  is  another 


matter.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  in  it  there  are  passages  which 
could  have  he en  intelligible  only  to  one  who  knew  what  was 
there  before  Verges  put  his  hand  to  it,  and  whose  meaning  is 
clear  to  the  modern  reader  only  thanks  to  the  light  shed  upon 
them  by  the  variants  or  emendations  of  the  Bueno  manuscript  or 
of  later  editions. 

It  is  a  fair  assumption  that  after  1626  Quevedo  had  severed 
all  connexions  with  the  text  of  the  Busoon.  Unlike  other  works 
of!,  his  written  "en  los  horvores  de  la  fciflea" ,once  in  print.it 
never  received  a  careful  pruning  from  the  hand  of  its  author. 
Indeed  the  authoritative  "purifAoation"  of  his  texts  was  never 
e  direct  consequence  of  their  unintelligibleness  but  rather  the 
result  of  the  laok  of  intelligence  of  their  oritics.  At  any  rate 
it  is  hardly  to  be  regretted  that  in  the  case  of  the  Bug  con  tfcjvt? 
there  should  have  been  lacking  tha^attaoks  and  criticism  which 
made  neoessary  a  version  as  emasoulated  as  the  16F9  edition  of 

the  5uefloB.Thi8  is  the  fundamental  difference  in  the  biblio- 

—  -j^~*r 

graphical  histories  of  the  Bus  con  and  the  Sueftoa:  the  3ttf"Mwr  re- 
ceived its  pruning  before  it  appeared  in  printed  form  and  its 
original  version  is  represented  by  the  Bueno  manuscript,  while 
the  Soeflos  were  first  printed  (16r7)  in  a  form  which  represented 
fairly  nearly  their  original  and  were  later  extensively  modified 
for  the  1629  edition.  This  fact  greatly  simplifies  the  task 
of  making  a  critical  edition  of  the  Bjiacon, pointing  as  it  does 
to  one  edition,  the  prlnclpe  of  Zaragoza  16: 6,  as  the  only  au- 
thoritative one. 

The  following  table  is  intended  to  make  clear  the  parentage 
of  the  editions  of  the  Busoon  published  during  the  lifetime  of 
Quevedo.  It  has  been  established  by  means  of  the  pe*Twtt»4rien 


w 


of  errata  and  lay  examination  of  the  adoption  of  variants  or 
emendations. 


iwftMb*)        lUWfe^'tW'tt*?]    r*i*+&*idlfe»i$ 


T 


fj(*hU  Mil}*}***  £**£$ 


"2 


Before  1645,  then,  the  date  of  Quevedo'sdeath,  the  Basoon 
had  run  through  no  less  than  nine  editions,  all  of  which  are 
more  or  less  closely  related  to  the  prlncipe  of  16,'  6, 

Of  theBe  editions  the  one  that  I  have  chosen  to  oall  "Madrid, 
1626(Montalban)"  is  a  counterfeit,  A  comparison  of  its  title- 
page  alone  with  that  of  the  authentic  Verges  edition  is  enough 
to  prove  its  illegitimacy.  The  following  differences  are  at  once 
noted: 


Verges:  (1) .Cauallero  del  Orden 
(2). 


(3).Seftor  de  Juan  Abad 


Montalban : Cauallero  de  la  Orden 
Omission  of  the  ded- 
ication to  Don  Fray 
Juan  Auflustln  de  Pane 
etc, 
"  Seflor  de  la  Villa  de  Juan 
Abad, 
Con  I.ioencia  y  priuilegio 


Kn  daragooa 


f  4) .Con  Llcenola 

(5) ,En  coragooa 

(6) .Differences  in  spacing  and 

division  of  werds  and  lines. 
Its  preliminaries  consist  only  of  the  Aprobaoion  of  Esteban  de 


Peralta,  Zaragoza,29  of  Abril  de  16^6;  Lioenoia  del  Ordinario, 
el  Doctor  Don  Iuan  de  Salinas,  Vicario  General,  Zaragoza.r  de 
Mayo  16:6;  Al  Lector  ,"Que  desseoso,"  etc. 

Examination  of  the  text  shows  that  while  some  effort  was  made 
to  correct  the  errata  of  Verges'  edition,  others  yet  more  serious 
were  allowed  to  creep  in.  A  very  few  illustrations  should  he 
sufficient: 

Page  1.  The  reading  of  Vwges:  "  en  el  tiempo  que  ella  vivio 
con  todos  los  oopleros  de  StJpafla  hajtian  oosas  sobre  ella  ■  is 
corrected  by  the  omission  of  con;  page  5:wynos  me  llamaban  don 
naYaJa,otros  me  llamaban  don  ventosa" ,  in  the  Montalban  edition 
the  second  me  llamaban  is  omitted  .-flowing  to  Quevedo's  subsequent 
quarrel  with  Juan  Perez  de  Montalban  and  the  publication  of  the 
Perinola,  f  Queyedo  attacks  the  father  thus:"?ero;|oh  inmenso 
Dios,  iquien  bastara  a  ponderar  el  intento  con  que  el  Doctor  Ilon- 
talban  amaso  este  libro  Para  Todos  ?  Brevemente  lo  dire .  ~ues  f ue 
solamente  para  deoir  mal,  con  todas  sub  muelas.de  Villaizan;  y 
sin  aoordarse  de  sa  padre  y  los  antecesores  de  la  tienda,  cargar 
la  satlra  sobre  la  botioa,  y  examinar  oual  es  mas  calidad  y  me,) or, 
sin  aoordarse  del  maoear  el  papel  y  el  oontarlo,  y  el  engrudo 
y  las  oorreas,  y  que  es  sastre  de  libros,  y  zapatero  de  Tolumenes,, 
porque  su  buen  padre  ha  sido  mesonero  de  comedias,  ohaconas  y 
romances,  y  no  nos  ha  vendido  cosa  que  no  haya  sido  sedicion  de 
las  buenas  costumbres.  Y  no  admite  respuesta  lo  que  dire^ahora 
ftraguelo  el  Doctor  y  reviente  con  ello),  que  el  librerro  es 
meramente  raeoanico,  porque  no  es  ^orzoso  que  el  libroro  sepa  nada 
de  los  libros  que  vende,  ni  de  las  soienoias  neoesita,  sino  de 
coBer  bien  y  engrudar  y  estirar  las  pieles  y  oabezear  y  regntear.") 
it  may  be  pertinent  to  add  that  the  matter  jfcfc&  of  tho  forgery 
was  taken  up  by  the  publisher  Duport.  He  proved  to  the  satis- 


faction  of  the  Supremo  Consejo  de  Castilla  that  It  was  the  work 
Alonso  Perez, the  father  of  Juan  Perez  de  Montalban,  and  that 
the  edition  had  come  from  the  press  of  the  Viuda  de  Alonso  Mar- 
tin, who  together  with  Juan  Perez  was  punished  by  the  imposition 
of  the  penalty  set  forth  in  the  Privilegio  of  the  genuine  edition 
of  Zaragoza,1626, 

The  Lisbon  edition  of  163"  had  for  its  model  Juan  Perez's 
counterfeit  of  1626, which  it  follows  in  all  its  emendations  and 
in  a  considerable  number  of  its  errata* 
Verges ,16:  6.  Perez  and  Lisbon. 

(1)  ,p.l:"Hieta  de  Lepido  ^iuraoonte"  "Meta  de  Lepido  Ciracunte" 

(2)  ,p,l:nMurio  el  angelico  de  unos   "llurio  el  angel  de  unos 

aeotes"  azotes'1 

(3).p2.  "resucitaba  oabellos.encu-   "resucitaba  oabellos » cubrlendo 

briondo  oanas"  canas" 

(4) ,p.3."porque  querrian  que  adonde  "  omit:"y  sus  ministros." 
estan. hubiese  otros  ladrones 

r 

sino  olios  y  sus  rainistros." 
Like  its  parent  this  edition  is  entirely  open  and  above  board. 
The  Licenoias  bear  these  dates  16  de  Novembro  de  629,  6  de 

Dezembro  de  6*9,  7  de  Dezembro  de  629;  "Esta  conforme  con  o  ori- 

o 
ginal.Lisboa  a  2  de  Feuereiro  de  6302."  The  j|  ha3  been  crossed 

out  and  a  Z   follows.  Likewise  the  title-page  reads  16302.  Gayan- 
gos  has  suggested  that  there  was  an  edition  of  1630  and  that  it 
was  extensively  used  for  the  edition  of  1632. 

The  edition  of  Baroelona  16P6  furnishes  no  indication  as  to 
hovr  closely  it  followed  on  the  heels  of  the  principe.  Its  pre- 
liminaries are  substantially  those  of  the  original:  Aprobacion 
de  Ssteban  de  Peralta,£9  de  Abril,1626;  Lioenoia  del  Ordinario, 


>n 


2  de  Mayo,16r6;  Aprobacion  do  Calisto  Remirez,13  d3  Mayo ,1626; 

J  JL 

for  Don  Joan  Fernandez  de  Bjredia's  Lloenola  for  Aragon  is  sub- 
stituted "Lo  Saorista  Prre  Pla  Vioari  General  y  oficial,"but 
the  latter  unfortunately  bears  no  date .Then  follow  the  dedication 
of  Duport  t  to  Don  Fray  Juan  Augustin  de  Funes,  the  "Al  Lector", 
and  "A  Don  Francisco  de  Quevedo.  Luciano, su  amigo.n  Were  it  not 
for  the  express  statement  by  the  author  of  the  Tribunal  de  la 
Jnsta  Venganza  that  the  Busoon  first  saw  the  light  in  Zaragoza 
there  would  be  reason  to  doubt  the  claim  of  V&rges*  edition  to 
being  the  principe.  Bat  it  seems  natural  to  assume  that  as  Que- 
redo  was  travelling  northward  from  Madrid  his  arrival  at  Bar- 
celona was  sometime  later  in  the  year. 

It  should  be  clear  from  the  following  that  Cormellas'  edition 
had  as  its  original  Verges1  edition. 

Verges.  Cormellas. 

( 1) ,naprended,hermanos^/que  vereis  mil         idem. 

cosas  do  estas  en  este  en  el  pueblo" . 

(2). 

(2)."Y  assi.por  no  hacer  mas  gusto, no         idem. 

teniendo  dinero, determine  salir." 

(3).nYa  los  he  dioho  que  a  nadie  falta  Dios"    idem. 

(4)."porque  las  vistas  era  una  totte-  idem. 

cilia  llena  de  redendijas" 

(5),"y  oitaba  una  i^eta-  y  la  de  medicos         idem. 

inf ernales ," 

While  he  preserved  these  evident  errata  of  the  Verges  edition 

»«»■■■ tmrnt%y  occasionally  Cormellas  made  minor  corrections: 

Verges ;"ya  me  creoia  por  puntos  por  el  deseo  de  verme  entre 

gente  principal."  Cormellas  oorreoted  by  the  omission  of  the 

second  por 


Evidently  then  the  text  of  thla  edition  indicates  that  it 
was  a  fairly  well  sustained  effort  to  reproduce  the  text  of 
the  earlier  edition.  There  is  a  copy  in  the  Blblioteoa  llacional 
in  Madrid . 

The  popularity  of  the  Buscon  continued  to  such  a  degree  that 
in  1627  Lorenzo  Boa  published  another  edition  in  Barcelona.  The 
preliminaries  throughout  are  identical  with  those  of  Cormellas' 
edition  of  tho  year  before .It  adopts  his  trifling  corrections 
and  retains  many  of  his  errata.Among  the  latter  appear  i,2,3,4, 
given  above;  6  iB  corrected  to  retayla.  It  adopts  Cormellas • 
correction  mentioned  above(p.72,n,9) .In  several  instances  where 
Cormellas  had  corrected  v,  to  jj  Ben  adopted  the  correction.  For 
the  sake  of  good  measure  these  corrections  of  Cormellas  later 
adopted  by  Beu  may  be  noted:p.48,n.l5,Ioanelo  for  Iuanelo  of  2£ 
Verges  1626;p.61,n.l4,  solsnes  for  solemnes  etc., etc,  A  oopy 
of  this  extremely  rare  edition  is  preserved  in  the  British  Museum. 

The  value  of  the  Valencia  edition  of  16.'7  is  due  rather  ^o 
its  extreme  rarity  than  to  its  contributions  to  the  development 
of  the  text.  A  persevering  search  brought  to  lipht  only  one  copy, 
and  its  discovery  in  the  Universitats-Bibliothek  at  Gottingen  I 
owe  to  Professor  Sohevill,  The  aprobacion  is  dated  is  dated 
Valencia, 16  de  Mayo, 1627  and  is  signed  by  Pray  Lamberto  Nouella; 
the  licencias,  Valencia#17  de  Mayo, }627,B.Garces,Vi«.Gnl.; Valencia, 
5  de  Junio  de  1627,  el  B.Guillen  Ramon  Mora  de  Almenar.  The  other 
preliminaries  are  those  of  the  prinoipe.  In  his  lioencia  B.Guillen 
Ramon  de  i'ora  de  Almenar  says: "He  visto  el  libro  intitulado: 
Eistoria  de  la  vida  del  Buscon, llamado  don  Pablo s.exemplo  de 
Vagamundos  etc.,  Compuesto  por  Bon  Francisco  de  Quevedo,impreso 
en  Zarafcoza  el  cilo  pasado  de  1626*"  This  statement  alone  should 


1-1 

indicate  the  parent  edition.  Its  omissions  and  substitutions 

are  the  casual  work  of  the  printer,  A  very  few  examples  will 

suffice; 

Verges;  p.£,n.8:ohicA  Valencia ;nifto 

n     n  t»  n  12:  ohiqu.it o  "    imuchaoho 

n     p«67,n«6:Muy  haziendose 

de  penoas  "   ihaaiendo  muy  de  rencas, 

n     n,70,n,6:qu9  parocian  de      n   tpareoian  dedos  de  negro 

dedos  de  ne^ro 
In  nil  itfatanoe  does  it  follow  an  emendation  peculiar  to  either 
of  the  Barcelona  editions. 

The  second  edition  published  by  Verges  in  Zaragoza  in  16 P8 
is  by  far  the  most  important  of  the  later  editions  from  the  ooint 
of  view  of  varients  and  emendations.  For  the  first  time  main- 
fest  errata  that  had  been  preserved  inphe  editions  of  Barcelona 
and  Valencia  are  oorreoted,  Examples  are  the  correction  fp,l,n,6) 
of  "Begun  el  se  via" to" Begun  bebia"  and  the  omission  of  con 
in  "en  el  tiempo  que  elle  vivio  con  todos  los  oopleros  de  EspafJa" 
(p.l,n,ll)#  From  the  variants  and  emendations  it  will  be  readily 
seen  that  a  determined  effort  was  made  not  only  to  improve  the 
original  text  but  also  to  temper  several  etfssages  which  may  well 
have  been  offensive  to  the  clergy. 
Improvements: 

1626.  16P8 , 

"  Y  otros.por  vituperarla,  que       '{  Y  otros.por  vituperarla.dezian 
para  voluntades  de  la  vidafp,E,n,5.0)    que  para* 

*<  y  entre  los  dos  estudiantes        «  u      jfcjfj,  tn   «)r»  ->^wVaJ^  a 
y  ellaa  Owen   sino  un  cogo-         i\tf    **     >jiy«r+*>     >*.  (>*»-+*** 
llo  en  ouatro  bocados,(p,33tn,3)      ~^u<^rp      s****      <v~-  ^JV0 


Y> 


Con  eftto  se  faeron  todoa  a  (Con  esto  se  fueron  todos  a 

aoostar  para  ana  hora  que  quedaron  o  media. [   aoostar  para  una  horA- 

(p.25,n,3)  o  modla  que  quedaron. 

y  entre  ellos  viene  uno  aue  y  entre  elloa  viene  uno  que 

matoe  mi  madre  y  a  un  her-  mato  a  mi  madre , . .por  robar- 

mano  mio  por  matarlos.  ($,42,n.3«)     loa. 

quando  Dioa  y  en  hora  buena.donde  en  k  coando  Dioa  y  en  hora  buena 
un  trapo  con  uno8  zuecoa  entro        embuelto  en  tin  capucho  con 
un  ohirlmiq,  de  la  bellota.(p,68,n.8)   unoa  zuecoa 

y  le  dijo  que  ai  era  el  alferes  Juan  de  y  le  dixo  que  ai  era  yo 
LorenzanafP.  05, n, 9)  ete. 

En  eato  estabamoa.y  dio  un  Eatando  en  esto  dio  un  reloj 

reloj  laa  12  (p.90,n,8) 

y  cuando  me  aoordaba  de  lo  de  Isa  gan-  y  cuando  me  acordaba  de  lo 
zuaa  que  me  habia  hallado  en  laf  f&l-   de  laa  ganzuas  decia  haber- 
driquera  (p,lll,n.3)  me  hallado 

al  punto  el  <  acribano  olamo  <f**~  AI  punto  el  escribano  cla- 

thAaynfletap-  f p. Ill, n. 14)  mo  con  algazara  resiatenoia 

Yo,qu«  muy  corrido  y  afrentado        Yo,que  me  vi  corrido  etc, 

(p.ll2,n.8) 

Entonoea  deapidieronae  loa  doa,       Entonoea.deapidiandose  loa 
e oharon  haoia  aba J of p. 122, n. 11)        doa.eoharon  haoin  aba jo. 

Following  are  a  few  examples  of  the  emendation  of  offenaive 
passages: 


l\ 


1626 


i 


1628 . 
Recibiome,pues,el  huepped  con 
peor  oara  que  si  yo  fuese  Cura 
y  le  pidiera  la  oedula  la  cedir 
la  de  confesion. 

Cuerpo  de  tal.y  como  hiede. 


."iTurbarme . 


Reoibiome.pues.flrt**  el  hue  aped 
oon  peor  oara  que  si  yo  fuese 
el  santisiino  saerfonento  • 
(p,28,n.  8) 

Cuerpo  de  7)ios,y  como  hiede 

(p,33,n.2.) 

Yo  que  oi  el  ruido,al  prln- 
oiplo  pcnstvndo  que  eran  truenos 
empeoe  a  santlguarme  (p,loo,n,2.) 

Except  for  a  few  insignifioant  changes  in  wording  the  pre- 
liminaries of  this  edition  are  those  of  the  1626  edition,  so  there 
is  nothing  to  indicate  to  v/hom  the  corrections  are  due.  It  is 
known  that  the  purified  text  of  the  Suefloa  as  published  in  the 
Juguetes  de  la  Hiflez  (1629)  was  the  result  of  Quevedo's  own 
corrections  and  that  early  in  1629  he  hadfapplied  to  the  Inqui- 
sition for  JfevttMpttcfc  the  suppression  of  all  editions  of  the 
Suenos  that  had  appeared  prior  to  that  date,  It  is  remotely 
possible  then  that  quevedo  prefaced  these  efforts  by  retouching 
part 8  of  the  Buacon,  Furthermore  the  text  of  the  BuBcon  in  the 
collected  -Arks  in  prose  published  in  1648  (Eneehanza  Entretonida) 
and  authorized  by  Quevedo's  nephew, D,  Pedro  Aldrete  follows 

cardi'ully  the  emendations  of  1628, 

c 

Important  as  this  edition  undoubtedly  is .owing  to  the  fait 

that  it  was  the  parent  of  many  later  editions, it  completely  es- 
caped the  notice  of  Fernando z-Guerra,  Perhaps  this  may  bo  ac- 
counted for  by  the  fact  that  the  copy  in  the  Biblioteoa  ITaoional 


is  not  separately  oataloguedybut  is  bound  v/ith  a  oopy  of  the 
1626  edition  of  the  Providenoia  de  Dios.  It  has  a  separate  portada 
and  its  own  pagination.  Some  slight  use  of  this  edition  was 
made  by  Amerioo  Caatro  in  his  edition  of  the  Bus con  for  la 
Leotura  , 

The  Rouen  edition  of  1629  is  comparatively  of  even  less 
importance  than  the  second  Barcelona  edition. Its  preliminaries 
contain  the  two  Aprobaoiones  of  April  29  and  May  13, 1626, the 
publisher's  foreword  to  the  reader ,Don  Francisoo  de  Quevedo, 
Luciano  su  Amigo  etc.  In  addition  to  the  Bascon  it  contains 
the  five  Sueftos,  Bxerclcio  y  flpistolas  del  Cauallero  de  la  Te- 
naza  and  La  Kobela  del  Terro  y  la  Calentura,  the  latter  two 
works  with  separate  title-page  and  pagination.The  text  of  the 
Bascon  is  taken  from  the  first  Merges  edition  as  the  preliminaries 
would  indicate »Ko  attention  whatsoever  is  paid  the  emendations 
of  the  editions  of  Barcelona,  Valencia  and  the  second  of  Verges, 
On  the  other  hand  several  typographical  errors  of  the  first 
verges  edition  arc  reproduced . ( of .pedos ,p .13. n. 8 . ;  where  Terges 
read  oeja  de  verro, changing  an  {  for  an  e  and  using  a  broken  y_ 
in  verro,  3ouen  faithfully  reads  ceja  de  verro)/ 

With  the  Pamplona  edition  of  1631  this  catalogue  is  complete. 
The  volume  published  by  Carlos  de  Labayen  contained  in  addition 
to  the  Buscon,  the  Cueftos,  Carta  del  Caballero  de  la  Tonasa, 

£>t%6 

Casa  de  Locos  de  Amor,  Romance  al  Ilaoimiento  d?l  Autor  and  sevi 
other  v-orks  of  less  importance.  In  the  collection  the  Busoon 
appears  at  folio  195.  The  presence  of  the  preliminaries  of  the 
Verges  edition  of  1626  indicates  the  source  of  the  text.  Again 
we  have  the  same  monotonous  tale  of  the  perpetuation  of  the 

typographical  errors  of  "Verges.fcf  •  pedos, p. 13, n. 8.)  However  the 

******* 
printed  the  hitherto  respected  peftuo.on  this  same  page,±pKgax 


*> 


to  peKQ ,  anendations  and  corrections  of  earlier  editions  vere 

completely  ignored, 

16^6  Cormellas      1631. Pamplona, 

Ya  me  oreoia  por    Ya  me  orecia  por  pun- 

puntos  el  deseo,,,  tos  por  el  deeeo... 


16; 6. Verges, 
Ya  me  orecia  por 
puntos  por  el  de- 
seo fp,72,n,9). 


que  como  era  chico 
podia,  ,(p,2,n,8,) 

No  me  detonire  en 

dezir  la  peniten- 

cia  que  haoia.„ 
(p.2,n,7.) 


que  como  era  niflp   que  como  era  chico 
pcdia...  podia,,. 


Ho  me  detendre  en  deftir  Uo  me  detondre 
la  ponitencia  atrpera     en  deoir  la  pe- 
que  haoia,..  nltencia  que  ha- 

oia, • • • 


Labayen  made  no  correction  that  deserves  mention  here. 

The  Bnsefianza  flntretonida  published  in  1648  by  Diego  "Diaz 
de  la  Carrera  gathered  together  in  one  volume  many  prose  works 
of  Quevedo  which  had  been  ewly- published^n  separate  form,Quo- 
vedo  himself  probably  had  nothing  to  do  with  its  preparation. 
His  letters  of  1645  indicate  ewiy  that  steps  were  being  taken 
for  the  publication  of  an  edition  of  his  works, but  that  his 
share  in  its  preparation  must  have  been  slight.  All  his  concern 
was  for  the  second  part  of  the  Marco  Bruto  and  the  poetical 
works,  and  ho  identifies  himself  with  these  only  by  his  pro- 
testations that  he  is  too  ill  to  occupy  himself  with  them. 
Writing  to  Don  ?rancisco  de  Oviedo  from  Yillanueva  de  los  In- 
fantes oh  May  22,1645,  he  says:nA  Pedro  Cuello  le  dara  vuesa 


tf 


aercod  reoados  mios,  y  le  diga  cuan  cerca  ostuve  do  nersfoer   an- 
tes mi  vida  que  la  de  Marco  Bruto."  (lSpiBtolario|03clYili)  Hor  did 
he  approve  of  Cuello's  (the  jMlnWr)  ohoice  of  printers.  On 
February  7,1645  he  writes  to  Don  Francisco  de  Oviedo  acknowled- 
ging the  receipt  of  the  second  impres3ion  of  the  Maroo  Bruto  and 
adds:"  Que  aun  es  de  Diego  Diaz  de  la  Carrera  la  letra,  y  el 
papel  as  el  mismo.  La  nejoria  que  he  hallado  hasta  ahora  son 
dos  erratas  emmendadas ,"  f Spistolario  oxlv)  This  alone  is  enough 
to  shake  one's  oonfidenoo  in  the  publisher  of  the  Snseflanza  qntre- 
tenlda.  Pedro  Cuollo  himself  In  his  dodioation  to  Don  Pedro  Pachooo 
Giron  makes  no  pretense  *fy   having  corrected  the  texts, (He  says 
simply  enough;"  ii-e  dispuesto  aalgan  a  luz  Juntas  todas  3us 
obras  aatprosa,")  Whatever  efforts  he  made  to  produce  en  authen- 
tic text  were  confined  to  the  reproduction  of  the  second  Verges 
edition,  Zaragoza  1628,  and  to  changing  the  title  to  "La  Eistoria 
i  Vida  de  el  Gran  Tacano*; 

Upon  this  edition  Foppens  based  his  edition  published  in 
Brussels  in  166C,  In  his  prologue  Poppons  admits  the  unsatis- 
factory condition  of  the  texts  of  Quevedo's  works  and  makes  no 
claim  for  his  emendations  other  than  that  they  are  fthe  work  of 
"personas  do  toda  erudioion  en  el  estilo  oastellano"  who  used 
only  their  wits  to  come  at  the  original  meaning  of  the  author. 
Throughout  the  rest  of  the  century  his  prerses  and  those  of  V»r- 
dussen  in  Antwerp  oontinueel  to  produce  editions  of  the  Obras, 
buiJ  the  text  of  no  one  of  them  shows  improvement  upon  the  text 
of  1660.rorpens  justly  declared  that  his  claim  to  success  ley 
in  his  service  to  the  public  in  having  produoed  a  carefully  pre- 
pared and  readable  edition  printed  in  three  volumes  of  convenient 


s lie, with  good  type  and  on  good  paper. (His  prologue  to  the  1660 
edition  is  reproduced  by  Fernandez-Guerra,II,p.xxxvi.) 

The  editions  therefore  can  be  divided  into  two  groups,  both 
of  which, however,  have  their  ultimate  source  in  the  principe; 
the  first  group  inoludes  Madrid  1626;  Barcelona  16:6,1627; 
Rouen  1629,;Valencia  16r!7  and  Pamplona  1631;  the  second  group 
is  founded  by  the  second  Verges  edition, Zaragoza  1628,  and  in- 
oludes Madrid  1648  upon  which  were  based  the  subsequent  editions 
of  Madrid,  Prusaala  and  Antwerp, 

In  the  absence  of  the  original  autograph  manuscript  of  the 
Eusoon  there  is  no  choice  but  to  follow  the  text  of  the  first 
edition, Zaragoza  1626.A11  editions  published  daring  the  life- 
time of  ruevedo  have  been  carefully  collated,  together  vith 
any  other?  *•*-  that  nay  have  a  olain  to  authority, and  their  va- 
riants or  emendations  noted  vdLth  a  minuteness  which  may  appear 
to  border  on  the  meticulous.  Emendations  from  these  editions 
have  been  introduced  only  v/here  the  reading  of  the  principe  is 
manifestly  bad, and  even  in  these  instances  with  the  utmost  re- 
serve .Preference  has  been  given  to  the  readings  of  the  Zaragoza 
edition  of  1628.  I  have  endeavored  to  prodaoo  a  text  which  shall 
be  at  the  sane  time  both  readable  and  critical.  Except  in  the 
case  of  long  s_'s  particular  effort  has  been  made  to  reproduce  the 
orthography  of  the  prinoipe.  The  punctuaStion  has  been  modernized 
and  the  modern  standards  of  good  use  applied  to  the  introduction 
Of  oapital  letters.  I  have  not  hesitated  to  make  free  use  of 
paragraph  division.  In  short  no  effort  has  been  spared  to  lessen 
the  difficulties  of  an  extremely  difficult  text. 


) 


^ 


Quevedo  displays  little  originality  in  hiB  ohoioe  of  epi- 

3l 


o 


sodea  or  adventures  for  Pablos.  Lazarillo  de  Tonnes  and  Guz-       <■ 
nan  de  Alf arache  had  already  shown  the  way  to  the  Bus con, whose 


exploits  for  the  most  part  had  already  been  performed  by  his 
predecessors.  Our  interest  in  Pablos  is  far  less  in  hiskdven- 
tures  than  in  his  astonishing  manner  of  recounting  them,  and 
above  all  in  the  mind  of  the  aothor  who  could  create  tMs  char- 
acter, 

Quevedo  knew  and  admired  the  Lazarillo  de  Tormes  .  In  Sspafla 
Defonuida.  los  tiompos  de  aora  de  las  Calumnias  de  los  IToveleros 
i  SedioioBos,  dedicated  to  Philip  III  on  the  20  of  September  of 
1609,  he  says:n  Que  teneia  que  eomparar  con  la  tragedia  exemplar 
de  Celestina  i  con  Lazarillo  ?  Donde  ay  aquella  propriedad,  grazia 
i  dulzura  ?  Que  nazion  no  los  a  echo  tratables  a  su  idioma,como 
a  jpsriaJi. 


•£ 


4 


i  ?  Que  nazion  no  los  a  echo  tratables  a  su  idioma,como     ^ 
podftdo  hasta  los  turoos  i  los  raoros  ?»  (/^^  ft*  tf»**+*NU*t>l 


The  publisher  Roberto  fluport  showed  some  sagaoity  when  he  called 

((  " 

the  Buscon  eroulo  de  ftur.man  d.:  Alfaraohe.  Undoubtedly  he  had  in 

mind  only  the  similarity  of  episode  in  the  two  stofies.  His  sa~ 
gacity  would  have  been  much  greater  had  he  seen  the  mire  strik- 
ing resemblance  to  lazarillo  de  Tormes.  To  be  sure  there  is  very 
little,  as  regards  episode,  in  the  Lazarillo  which  la  not  pro- 
served  in  the  Guzman,  One  may  even  say  that  the  Guzman  is  an  ex- 
pansion or  development  of  Lazarillo;  but  it  should  be  clear  that 
Quevedo  did  trtkn  muoh  a|goctly  from  Lazarillo  without  having  re- 
course to  Guzman. 

Lazarillo  introduces  himself  thus  unceremoniously: ''  lues  eepa 
vuesa  medoed  ante  todas  conas  que  a  mi  mo  llanan  Lazaro  do  Tormes, 
hi  Jo  do  Vorao  Gonzalez  y  de  A)i:;ofta  Jerez,  nr.turules  do  *?o|ares, 


b    OMM 


<1 


aldea  do  Salamanoa ,"  Pablos  Introduces  himself  even  more  suc- 
cinctly:" fo.seftor,  soy  do  Segovia;  mi  padre  so  llamo  Clemente 
Pablo,  natural  dol  mismo  pueblo,"  The  former's  father  came  to  a 
glorious  end  fighting  against  the  wpora   as  the  indirect  result 
■si  of  robbing  flour  sacks,  while  Clemente  Pablo  died  on  the 
b oaf fold  "con  el  mayor  valor  que  ha  muerto  hombre  en  el  mundo," 
the  logical  result  of  his  achievements  as  a  drunkard  and  a  thief. 
Lazarillo  had  the  advantage  in  mothers ;Antofia  Jjerez  did  nothing 
worse  than  console  herself  with  a  negro. while  Aldonza  Saturno 
waB  a  procuress  and  something  of  a  witoh.  The  analogy  between  the 
two  distinguished^  families  can  bo  carried  even  to  their  res- 
pective younger  sons,  both  of  whom  at  a  tender  age  shoved  great 
procooity:  the  one  in  pointing  to  his  nogro  father  end  saying, 
"  Mama,  coco  ",  and  the  other  in  deftly  robbing  the  custaimers  that 
his  father  safcved. 

The  greatest  spur  to  Lazaro's  ingeniity  was  hunger,  Ee  was  ill 
fed  by  eaoh  of  his  first  three  masters,  the  blind  beggar,  the 
priest  and  the  esquire,  Pablos  had  his  first  experience  of  hun- 
ger while  he  was  under  the  tutelage  of  Cabra,  who  bade  his  wards 
fall  to  upon  a  wretched  dish  of  mutton, saying,"  Coman,  quo  mozotf 
son.y  me  huelgo  de  ver  bus  buenas  ganas."  It  will  be  remembered 
that  Lazarillo's  clerigo  had  been  equally  generous  with  his  care- 
fully counted  onions.  He  had  given  Lazarillo  the  key  to  the  store- 
room and  said,"  Toma,  y  vuelvela  luego  y  no  hagais  sino  golos- 
mear.  In  the  evening  Cabra  Justifies  the  frugal  meal  with  these 
words,  "  oa  oosa  muy  aaludable  y  proveohosa  oenar  pooo  para  tenor 
el  estomago  desocupado,"  just  as  the  esquire  had  said  to  Lazarillo, 
5  No  hay  tal  oosa  en  el  mundo  para  vivir  rruoho  oomo  comar  pooo," 
In  praise  of  oarrotB  Cabra  exclaimed,  "  Uabos  hay  5To  hay  para  mi 


K 

perdiz  que  se  le  iguale" ;  and  the  esquire,  "Una  de  vaoa  ea  .  Dfgote 
que  es  el  mejor  booado  del  rondo  y  que  no  hay  faisan  que  asf  me 

Both  Lazarlllo  and  Sktzmsn  awaken  early  to  find  themselves 
faoe  to  faoe  with  a  hard  world.  The  shook  of  a  painful  experience 
teaohes  eaoh  that  to  live  he  must  be  smarter  than  his  neighbor. 
His  blind  master  thrust  Lazarlllo* s  head  against  the  stone  bjcll 
when  they  had  scarcely  sallied  fotth  from  Salamanca.  Lazarlllo 
had  expected  to  hear  a  great  noise  within  it,  but  the  result  of 
the  blow  was  his  awakening  from  his  childish  simplicity  and  his 
saying  to  himself,  '*  Verdad  dice  este  que  me  cumple  avlvar  o% 
ojo  y  avisar,  pues  solo  soy,  y  i^ensar  oomo  me  sepa  valer.nPii- 
blos  for  all  his  sagacity  and  in  spite  of  his  master's  advico; 
"gablos.abre  el  ojo,  que  aaan  came;  wira  por  ti,  que  aqui  no 
tienes  otro  padre  nl  madre",  reaches  the  same  conclusion  relative- 
ly  later.  Ax  Aloala  he  is  beaten  and  is  the  victim  of  a  -d***y 
practical  Joke  playea  upon  him  by  his  housemates,  whereupon  he 
says  to  himself: "^vison,  Pablos,  ilerta."  The  following  chapter 
opens  thus,"  Haz  como  vieres,dioe  el  refran,y  dioe  blen.  De  puro 
considerar  en  el  vine  a  resolverme  de  ser  bellaoo.y  mas,  si  pu- 
die»e  que  todos,"  Those  episodes  are  the  turning  point  in  the  lives 
ol'  both  boys,  and  the  c one lusion> that  cktoh  draws  from  them  iden- 
tical.  The  similarity  could  not  be  more  olean  cut. 

The  germ  of  all  Pablos*  experience  with  the"oaballeros  oa- 
ninos"  in  Madrid  lies  in  Lazarlllo* s  description  of  his  third 
master,  the.  esquire.  Quevedo  had  his  model  at  hand  and  from  it 
developed  one  of  tho  most  brilliant  and  best  sustained  pieces 
of  satire  that  he  ever  wrote.  The  author  of  the  Lazarlllo  gave 
his  readers  bjat  one  such  individual. but  the  idea  was  enoughlfco 


M    ••* 


.09  m 


?1 

suggeat  to  Quevedo  a  whole  colony  of  them.  It  is  significant 
of  the  close  relationship  of  these  two  episodes  that  Pablos* 
sponsor  likens  himself  to  a  oOnde  de  Irlos  on  account  of  his 
garb  and  manner,  while  Lazarillo's  opinion  is  that  one  who  did 
not  know  his  master  weJbi  might  well  k%  take  him  for  a  near  re- 
lative of  the  Conde  de  Arcos,  Pablos1  sponsor  exclaims," 'Quien 
7e  estas  botas  mlas  como  pensara  que  andan  oabelleras  en  las 
piernas  en  pelo,  sin  media  ni  otra  oosa  ?  Y  quien  viere  este 
cuello  por  que  ha  de  pensar  que  no  tengo  oamisa  ?n  Says  Laza- 
rillo  of  his  master  "  A  qaien  no  engaflara  aquella  buena  dispo- 
sioion  y  razonable  capa  y  saya  ?"  Both  Pabloa  and  lazarillo  see 
the  hand  of  Providence  in  this  disposition  of  human  affairs: 
"  Bendito  seals  vos,  Seftor,  que  dais  la  enfermedad  y  poneis  el 
remedlo,  says  Lazarillo;  and  Pablos,  "  Grahdos  gracias  di  a  Dios 
viendo  cuanto  dio  a  los  hombres  en  darles  industria,  ya  que  las 
quitase  riqaezaa,"  But  the  similarity  goes  no  further.  The  in- 
genuity of  these  gentlemen  had  made  great  strides  in  the  interval 

between  the  two  stories.  The  esoudero  had  the  wit  toS3»  when 

ff*t 
his  rent  fell  due,  but  beyond  taR  his  resourcefulness  was  scanty. 

On  the  contrary  Don  Toribio  Rodriguez  Valle^o  Gomez  de  Arapuero  y 

Jordan  never  lacked  for  a  hundred  reales,  food}bed  and  a  mistress, 

(n  Y  nunoa  me  faltan  oien  reales  en  la  bolsa,  cama,  de  comer  y 

refocilo  de  lo  vedadol^I,  Cap.xii,) 

There  are  many  casual  reminiscences  of  the  Lazarillo,  In 

Chapter  vii  of  Part  ii  Pablos* s  companions  make  the  acquaintance 

of  two  ladies  in  the  Prado,  The  conversation  is  abruptly  broken 

off  by  the  ladies*  suggestion  that  the  gentlemen  provide  some 

refreshment,"  Mlrabase  el  uno  al  otro  y  a  todoa  tiembla  la  barba," 

In  Trf'Sado  iii  of  the  Lazarillo  the  esquire  can  say  more  tender 

things  than  Ovid  wrote  but  at  the  auggestion  that  he  provide  re- 


freshment,  "  tomole  tal  oalofrio,  que  le  robo  el  oalor  del  gesto 
y  oomenzo  a  turbarse  en  la  platioa  y  a  poner  exousas  no  validas." 
As  |^.8  hardships  at  Aloala'  increase  Pablos  v/onders  if  after/all 
he  may  not  be  in  a  worse  plight  than  when  ho  was  under  Cabra's 
wing  at  Segovia." t  I.Cap.iii)  Yo  no  haoia  a  solas  aino  oon^siderar 
como  casi  era  mas  lo  que  me  habia  pasado  en  Aloala  que  todo  lo 
que  suoedio  con  Cebra."  Lazaro  reflects,  "  Yo  he  tenido  dos  amos, 
el  primero  traiame  muerto  de  hambre,  y  dejandole,  tope  oon  es- 
totro  que  me  tiene  ya  con  ella  en  la  sepultura.. .  •  Con  esto  no. 
me  osaba  raenear,  porque  tenfa  por  fe  que  todos  los  grados  habfa 
de  hallar  mas  ruines, y  a  aba Jar  otro  punto  no  sonara  mas  lazaro 
ni  se  oyera  en  el  mundo."  (  Tratado  ii«  Riva.pf28) 

Although  both  stories  have  these  features  in  common  the  treatme*1 
of  them  is  as  distinct  as  the  characters  of  the  protagonists. 


\ 


Lazarill*  is  a  rogue  and  Pablos  an  unprincipled  villain.  The 
difference  in  their  behavior  is  the  difference  betveon  mischief 
and  ▼illany.  There  *.a  tJprediaposition  to  pardon  and  to  be  only 
amused  at  the  tricks  of  lazarillo.  From  the  monent  that  his  blind 
master  thrusts  his  head  against  the  bridge  at  Salamimoa  Lafra- 
rillo  has  -jMur  sympathy  and  support.  If  he  is  deo*itful  it  is 
only  to  protect  himself  against  his  contemptible  master.  Moreover 
he  is  constantly  hungry  and  he  is  careful  to  keep  his  condition 
before  us.  He  does  not  reaent  the  tacit  willingncas  of  th  esquire 
to  be  aupported  by  his  efforts,  but  on  the  contrary  he  does  his 
best  to  make  shift  for  both.  He  is  rarely  cynical  but  rather 
evenly  optimistic.  His  story  is  8traight  farrward  and  sincere. 
In  short  his  personality  is  winning. 

In  the  Guzman  de  Alfarache  ruevedo  found  a  much  greater  va- 
riety of  episodes  from  which  to  ohoose.  The  greater  part  of  them, 


whether  they  take  plaoe  in  Italy  or  1$  Spain, had  occurred  in 
a  setting  with  which  Quevedo  was  more  or  less  familiar.  From 
his  own  experiences  as  a  student  at  Alcala  he  must  have  known 
what  treatment  was  to  be  ejected  of  a  pup  Hero  of  Segovia  or 
Alcala.  E»re  was  a  fund  of  personal  oKporionooc  upon  which  he 
might  have  drawn  without  having  recourse  to  the  vivid  descrip- 
tions of  Aleman  >£  and  Sayavedra.  That  he  should  owe  to  them 
some  of  the  A*t-  color  for  these  episodes  in  the  history  of  Pat; 
los  is  therefore  all  the  more  remarkable.  Ee  borrows  freely 
from  both  Aleraan  and  Sayavedra. 

b   Cabra's  soup  was  so  thin  that  Haroiesus  vould  have  been  in 
greater  danger  from  it  than  from  his  pool.  At  the  bottom  was  a 
lone  Aarbanso  JlSfal  (I.  Cap.  ii.)  In  Alaman's  description  the 
soup  is  as  clear  as  daylight  and  so  thin  that  at  the  bottom  of 
the  bowl  one  might  easlty  distinguish  a  louse, ("Y  asi  daban  un 
brodio  maa  olaro  que  la  luz.o  tanto  que  facilmente  se  pudiera 
oonocer  un  pequeflo  pio^o  en  el  suelo  de  la  escaqilla.f Parte  II. 
lib.iiitCap.iv.  fliva.p.338.)Tha  house-keeper  at  Alcala  seems 
to  have  her  original  in  Guzman's  description: "Amae,  dije  ?  No  suria 
razonable  darles  una  razonable  barajadura  o  siquiera  un  refjelon. 
A  las  de  los  estudiantes  digo  que  son  una  muy  honrada  gentecilla. 
j  Que  liberaleB  y  diestras  estan  en  hurtar,  y  que  flojas  y  pere- 
zosas  para  el  trabajo  ;  ..Ama  conozoo  soliamos  tener  que  sisaba 
siempre  de  lo  que  se  le  daba  un  tercio:  porque  del  carbon,  de  las 
•species,  de  los  garbanzos  y  de  tolas  las  mas  eosas,  ya  ouando 
no  rodfa  hurtar  el  dinero,  guardabalas  en  er.pocie  y  en  tonieuaolo 
Junto,  no  lo  vendian.pedian  para  ello,  y  go.staban  de  io  que  ha- 
bfan  llegado.Si  habfa  de  lavar.hurtaban  el  jabon"  etc., etc.  And 
usually  they  ImUI  thoir  favorites  among  tho  ntudents  in  the  houee- 
hold:"  Sabido  para  que  lo  haoian.o  en  que  lo  gas&aban,  era  con 


' 


el  capigorriBta  de  sub  ojos,  a  quien  traian  en  loa  aires." (ibid.) 
Cipriana  aB  d  scribed  by  ratios  embodied  all  these  qualities 
and  she  shared  all  her  profita  with  him,"  si  se  oompraba  aoeite 
de  por  Junto ,  oarbon  o  tocino,  oeoondimoB  la  mi tad,  y  cuando  nos 
pareoia/deoiamoB  el  ama  y  yo/'.Uoderense  vuesas  moroedes  en  el 
gaoto,  que  en  verdad  si  ae  dan  tanta  prisa,  no  basta  la  hacien- 
da  del  Koy,  Ya  Be  ha  aoabado  el  aoeite  o  el  carbon  etc.,  denle 
dinoros  a  Pablioos.',])abanmeloB,y  vendiamoaleB  la  metad  oisada 
y  de  lo  que  oomprabamos  la  otra  metad,  y  esto  era  en  todo."(I,vi.) 

A- 

Th3  prank3,more  or  lees  serious,  of  the  students  are  the 
3ame.  coys  Guzman:"  Y  no  habia  oapigorron  en  Aloala  que  me  lie- 
vase  vontaja  en  oorrer  de  noohe  pasteles,  castafias  y  frutas  y 
todo  ouanto  habia,  en  hacer  bur  las  y  ongaftos  a  tenderos,  espe- 
oieroB  y  confiteros.  Tambien  me  hioe  de  la  valentona  y  de  los 
que  por  bu  gueto  salen  de  noohe  a  busoar  y  acuohillar  al  Corre- 
gidor."  (flayp.vedrg,  II.lib.ii.  Car>.vi.Riva.p.390.)At  reading 
of  Pablos*  tricks  on  the  confiteroB  and  on  the  ronda  (I,vi)  it 
seema  as  if  he  had  taken  these  words  as  *  sotting  forth  the  itan- 
dard  to  which  a  striotly  normal  student  must  conform,  Aleman 
t ^lls  the  story  of  a  needy  student  who  turned  chicken  thief 

(II,libi,Cap,iii) .  In  the  Bus con  the  means  are  different  but 

J** 
the  wrd  is  the  same, 

Guzman  in  an  inn  on  his  way  to  the  galleys  plays  a  triok  on 
the  supply  baga  of  a  table-mate.  This  may  have  suggested  to 
Quevedo  the  student's  joke  on  the  old  miser  who  tried  to  forget 
the  necessity  of  supping  in  the  very  Venta  de  Viveros  30  fre- 
quently mentioned  by  Guzman .Guzman' a  unceremonious  departure 
from  .Aloala  "  porque  tenia  lleno  el  lugar  de  mia  ambrollas  y  de- 
bia  a  todo  el  raundo,  y  no  tenia  cara  para  pareoer,"  (Bayavedra 
II,libii,Cap.vii,Riva.p,393.)  suggests  forcibly  Pablos'  flight. 


-»& 


*> 


"Al  fin  yo  aali  tan  bien  quisto  del  pueblo  que  deje  oon  mi  au- 


senoia  a  la  metad  del  llorando  y  la  otra  me tad  riendose  de  los 
que  lloraban."(I,viii,) 

Botfr  Guzman  and  Pablos  are  imprisoned.  Here  ^uevedo  seems 
not  to  hare  taken  his  material  from  Aloman  (H,iibiii,Cap.viii, 
Riva.pp.354-355,)  but  from  Chaves*  description  of  the  Carcel  de 
Sevilla.  Guzman  once  in  Madrid  with  his  spoils  from  Italy  (Aleman 
Tl,lib.iii,oap.ii,Kiva,pp.3r6-3£7)  wins  tho  favor  of  a  lady  of 
ea3y  virtue,  is  arretted  for  seduction  and  escapes  imprisonment 
by  bribing  an  alguaoil;  Just  as  Pablos  fll.v)  again  prosperous 
end  freshly  released  from  prison  sets  out  to  seduce  the  daugh- 
ter of  his  land-lord.  However  he  is  less  successful  than  Guz- 
man; but  in  like  manner  he  buys  his  release  from  the  notary. 

Pablos  in  Madrid  fii,7)  in  order  to  oheat  at  cards  uses  the 
same  trick  that  Guzman  had  employed  in  Milan, (Aleman  II.lib.ii, 
Cap,1v,-iva,p,296,)  "Cuando  ya  se  Juntaron  los  combatientes, 
yo  estaba  paseandome  por  la  cuaclra,  mi  rosario  en  la  mano,  como 
un  hermitaflo,"  Pablos, hearing  that  there  is  play  at  the  house 
of  a  neighboring  apotheoery,  sands  Brandalagas  and  Tero  Lopez  to 
take  the  part  played  by  Sayavedra,  to  Jtat  suggest  that  their 
master  rvoald  be  a  valuable  addition  to  the  game.  When  their 
suggestion  is  accepted,"  ya  yo  estaba  oon  un  tooador  en  la  cabe- 
za,  mi  habito  de  fraile  Benito  etc"  In  both  oases  the  result  is 
the  same, "una  buena  gatada"for  the  dupes.  Those  profits  are  not 
long  in  Pablos'  hands.  After  he  has  been  beaten  at  the  hands  of 
don  Felipe  he  finds  that  Brandalagas  and  ?ero  Lopez  have  made 
off  with  them,  just  as  Sayavedra  had  appropriated  Guzman's  sa- 
vings in  Rome. 


y,|/ 


Yaloaaar,  the  master  beggar,  ( Busoon  II,vil)  Is  a  disoiple 
of  Guzman's  Mioer  Moroon.(Sayavefra  II. lib. ?i,- an.n-   lii-i-7.)7al- 
oazar  was  making  his  fortune  through  the  brevity  and  directness 
of  hi3  appeals  and  by  hia  skill  in  adapting  them  to  the  peraon 
whom  he  happened  to  be  addressing.  It  made  no  difference  whether 
or  not  thia  person  was  charitably  inolined,  Valcazar's  art  was 
unfailing.  He  used  different  appeals  for  vomen,  soldiers,  men 
in  carriages,  oleriec  fcn  nulee,  Just  aa  ISicer  Korcon  had  a  man- 
ner for  women  and  a  manner  for  v;oiaen . f R iva ,p , 3 9 7  . )  The  beggar 
from  Aloala  tells  of  the  practice  of  sending  out  children  to  beg: 
"  Dar  tasa  a  los  propioe  hijos  para  que  ttafc  aoudan  cada  noche 
con  real  y  medio  0  dos  reales,  o  les  dan  su  tunda  de  azotes  •" 
Valcasar,  it  will  be  remembered," tenia  tres  muohachos  pcouefios 
que  recogian  liuosna  por  las  calles  y  hurtaban  lo  que  podian; 
dabanle  ouenta  a  el,  y  todo  lo  guardaba,  Iba  a  la  oarte  con  dos 
niflos  de  (ta,  oajetr.  en  las  sangrias  que  haoian  de  ellas#"(When 
Sayavedra  was  writing  the  story  of  the  beggar  from  Alcala"ho 
undoubtedly  had  before  him  Doctor  Christobal  Perez  de  Herrera's 
Discurso  del  Amparo  du  los  Logitimos  Pobres  y  Heduceion  de  I03 
:  ,-i.  do  a  .Madrid  1598,  Polios  9-10  contain  the  following:"  Tam- 
bien  me  dijo  xm   roligioso  de  muohas  prendas  que  supo  en  su  tiem- 
ro  cj ■  ndo  eBtudiaba  en  la  Univarsidad  de  Aloala  haber  llegado 
a  aquella  villa  un  vagabundo  destos,..y  encontrando  a  unoa  es- 
tudiantes  de  su  tierra,  los  llamo  con  recato,  y  les  descubrio 
su  Beoroto,  deolarandoloa  qui  eh  era,  y  los  nidio  que  se  fuer-sen 
con  ol.,.y  los  dijo:  ^efiores,  no  huy   que  oanaarme,  yo  ando  de 
tierra  <?n  tierra  sin  cuiu&do,  a  mi  gusto,  nunca  mo  faltan  dine- 
ros  para  bo^anae;"  y  al  fin  los  oonto  su  manera  do  proceder, 


Valcazar,  tho  master  beggar,  fbunoon 


-4 


*S 

diciendolea  qae  el  aabia  dezlsiete  maneraa  de  pedlr  limosna  y 
saoarla  a  las  gentos...y  lea  oontaba  qae  a  anos  lea  peel  la  llo- 
rando,  y  a  otros  oon  grundea  exclamaoionea  y  oon  dlfarentes  to- 
noa,  y  les  dijo  qae  venian  ooho  de  oamarada  oon  ol,  sin  otrae 
tantas  anigas  que  traian."  Comparison  of  this  passage  with  the 
story  of  the  aforesaid  beggar  In  Sazmanf  S&yavodra  II . llbli . oap »lv.# 
?.lva.p.387)  Trill  ahoir  Sayavedra'r.  plaglar  ism:nYo  me  sail  de 
Aloala  habra  dos  alios,  o&nsado  de  astudiar  gramatloo,  y  he  bus- 
eado  eata  invencion  y  raanera  de  vida  oon  la  caal  ne  hallo  muy 
blon,  poraae  nunoa  me  faltan  en  ella  cinoaenta  escados  qae  gas- 
tar  y  jagar.«»Ando  de  tlerra  en  tlorra  a  ml   p-asto  7  sin  caldado 
y  hasta  ahora  se  diea  y  3lote  mane ran  dn  pefllr  li^osna  ar  saoar- 
la  aonqae  aea  do  an  broncs:  a  anoa  llorando.  a  otros  con  axola- 
maoiones  y  con  diforentos  toaosttt;  aramos  ooho  de  oamarada  sin 
otras  tantas  rjalflaa  viae  llevabanoalfo  Again  on  page  3Q8  the  theft 
is  even  more  apparent:"  Y  advert Id  gtti  hay  ma oho s  que  oon  poco 
temor  de  Pioo  movidoe  desta  oolona  y  mala  vida.pudieiido  trabajar 
en  otras  eosa?,2e  haccn  llagas  fingidas,  y  oomen  oosas  qae  les 
hacen  daJlo  a  la  salad  para  andar  descoloridoa  y  m&lll   a  la  pie  dad, 
qae  no  se  lea  debe,  fingiondo  otras  maneras  e  invenciones  para 
eate  ofeoto.y  haeiondo^e  rnudoa  y  ciogos,no  lo  tiiondo,  y  torelendo 
a  IU  hljos  pies  y  manos  y  cegandolOB,  qae  son  nui  dignas  de 
llorar  y  aim  de  remedlar."  In  this  passage  Eerrora's  words  have 
been  appropriated  v?ithout  the  least  change.) 

Gasman  findn  irreriatible  oliarm  in  the  life  of  a  strolling 
player, "pareciame  bien  la  vida  libertada.  y  vagabanda  de8ta  manera 
de  Rente  ;"  f  Ba.7avftljgu.il . lib  .ill  .Cap  .vii . T:ivap  .410 . )   -,n&   In  addition 
he  foil  in  love  r/lthnana  buena  ofioiala  de  todo"  .Pablon*  aenti- 
ments  and  experience  •?!  the  same,  "Tin  oarecicronmo  tanto  la 
vida  de  la  farandala.y  yo,  qr.e  tenia  neoo^idad  de  arrino  y  me 


^ 


habia  parecido  bien  la  raoza,ooncerteme  por  doe  alios  con  el  au- 


tor«"(lI,ix.)  When  Guzman  reached  Valencia  he  was  a  momber  of 
tho  company  and  1  on  the  favor  of  his  "ofloiala" ;  Feblos  was 

equally  fortunate     upon  hie  arrival  at  Toledo.  After  servir.£  their 
apprenticeship  in  minor  roles  both  boys  developed  some  ability  and 
became  valuable  acquisitions  to  their  respective  troupes,   even 
to  tho  pokit  of  passing  judgment     on  comedies  that    <oro  tub- 
mittod  $o-*u>irfc  their  approval.  Ambitious  pefta  wore  referred 
to  Guzman:  "Vuofui  meroed  non  haga     merced  de  leella,   que  aoax 
esta  el  3oflor  Guzman  que  ea  hombre  de  buen  gimto,  y  lo  oomcto 
el  ver  este  negocic.y  estarea  lo  a,ie  di Jero ." ' ?. ayavedra, 1 1? 
lib«iii,Oap«x«)  Pablo^  was  Jha  oonsor  for  his  company: "Pi  ol- 
guno  venia  a  leer  coraodia,  yo  era  el  quo  la  oia«"f II,!*. )   Guz- 
man's ambitious}  poet  conplainod  that  his   judges  "tanian  hecho 
•1  estomago  al  vereo  de  lope  do  Yoga  f  ibid.p  ,422.0    ;  wfclle  Fa* 
los  expresses  his  surprise  at  tho  number  of  comedy  writers  by 
saying,"  que  yo  me  aeaerdo  antes     qae  si  no  eran  corwdias  del 
buen  lope  do  Vcga,y  Ramon*  no  habia  otra  oosr  . 

"inally  Tablos  has  a  precedent  in  becoming  r gal an  do  monjas", 
foipne  of  Guzman's  ooarpanioas  at  Alcslr.   f ?> ayave  dra  II . lib .11. 
Cap.vi.)   had  suffered  from  thia  obsession,  The  lattei   discourses 
at  length  upon  whether  anticipation  be  more  enjoyable  and  desirable 
than  realization.  It  is  ?ablo3'   conclusion  that  "gal  1«      on- 

Jas"   are  always  "en  vioperas  del  eontonto ." f IlftCap « lx . ) 

Pabloe*   determination  to  1  'pain  for  tho  Indies  vras  a 

natural  one  for  a  pjfe^o.  lleznaa  makes  .".  yavedra'a  worthless 
brothor  do  this  very  tMra.(Ilflltliif..c  ,v  .t~.    .290,lCuzr 
himself  confidently  ejected  that  a  Journey  and   i.  change    o  ne 


«7 


would  make  a  law-abiding  citizen  of  him,*  "  7  desde  aquel  mismo 
dia  comenoe  de  alifiar  mi  viaje,  llevando  propoaito  de  alii  ade- 


lante  haoer  libro  nuevo,  lavando  con  vlrtudes  las  manohas  que 
me  oaaso  el  vioio."( Aleman.II.lib.l.Cap.vii.-p.282.)  Atad  again 
after  robbing  the  widow  whom  he  had  served  as  steward  (Aleman 
II . lib .iii .Cap .vil .p .352 . )  he  had  the  same  intention,"  queriame 
pasar  a  Indias.y  aguardaba  einbaroacion  oomoquiera  que  fuese," 

Thus  Qaevedo  owes  the  greater  part  of  his  episodes  to  the 
author  of  Skzr  laisarillo ,  to  Aleman  and  to  Payavetfra.^he  elements 
of  the  narrative  parts  of  the  Buaoon  are  the  adventures  of  hirs 
predecessors.  Pablcs'  early  chilffhood  is  identical  vith  Laza-   \ 
rillo's.  Eis  hardships  under  the  sohoolmaster.Cabra,  were  colored1 
by  the  sufferings  of  lazarillo  with  the  blind  beggar,  rith  the 
priest  and  vith  tha  esquire;  his  experiences  at  Alcala,  with  to- 
men,  as  actor,  as  "galan  de  monjas" ,  and  finally  his  determination 
to  leave  .^pain  for  the  Indies  all  have  their  roots  in  either 
Ia»arillo  or  Guzman.  It  can  be  said  that  ouevedo  appropriated  to 
his  own  use  the  episodes  that  were  best  adapted  to  compass  the  / 
utter  destruction  of  a  moral  sense  in  Pablos. 

A  word  should  be  said  of  the  Gascon T a  indebtedness  tc  the 
Cel63tlna.  To  1  uevedo  thefriere  suggestion  of  an  old  woman  rreant 
that  she  must  of  necessity  be  a  proouresa.  Pablos'  mother  was  a 
"zuroidora  de  gustos"  and  a  witch  as  well  -yith  her  be  &  set  up 
over"sogas  de  ahoroado" .  Cabra's  aunt  alone  escapes  these  attri- 
butes,but  she  was  both  blind  and  deaf.  The  housekeopor  at  Aloala 
Cipriana,  v/asnconqueridora  de  voluntades  y  corcheto  do  gustos, 
que  es  lo  witnio  que  alcagueta".  La  Guia  in  Madrid  "templaba  gustos 
y  oareaba  placeres"  and  Bhowed  graat  skill  "en  rcmondar  virgos 
y  rdobar  doncellae."  Each  one  of  this  trio  had  her  rosario  grande, 


«M 


her  prayers  and  her  proverbs.  The  passage  from  the  Dopnfla  De- 
fendida, cited  above,  is  enough  to  prove  Quevedo's  admiration 
for  the  great  prototype  of  the  Celestna  literature,  fits  apro- 
bacion  to  the  Ballesteros  translation  of  the  Comedia  Eufrosina 
in  1631  indicates  his  familiarity  with  the  long  series  of  Celee- 
t inas . (of .Menendez  y  Pelayo;  Origenee  de  la  ITovela  III. pp. 61-2 ) 
One  of  the  later  oneB,  La  Lena,  fttl  Milan,1608)  may  have  suggested 
to  him  Peblos1  parentage.  What  could  have  been  more  appropriate 
than  a  proouress  mother  and  a  barber  father  ?  The  offspring  of   , 
the  barber  Remiro  and  the  procuress  Lena  might  v/ell  be  a  Pablos, 
(of.  La  Lena.Acto  ■ into,  cena  ixt ) 

********-:****  *******  ***  *><** 


M 

Par  more  interesting;  than  the  superficial  similarity  of 
the  adventures  of  Lazarillo,  Guzman  and  Pabloo  is  tho  fundamental 
difference  in  the  character  of  the  story  of  eaoh.  The  very 
similarity  of  the  circumstances  in  whioh  they  are  placed  serves 
only  to  accentuate  this  difference.  Lazarillo/and  Pablos  have 
little  enough  in  common,and  Guzraany  **»-  looms  between  them 
utterly  distinct  from  both.  To  characterize  them  briefly,  Laza- 
illo  is  the  comparatively  guileless  rogue,  driven  to  harmless 
thievery  by  his  despicable  masters.  He  tella  his  story  naively 
v/ith  the  air  of  one  who  is  confident  that  his  hearers  will 
lind  nothing  to  censure  but  rather  .-ill  oommend  all.  One  cannot 
help  rejoicing  that  Lazarillo  never  really  grew  up,  he  Might 
have  developod  into  a  Guzman  and  loBt  his  charm.  One  resents 
'Jratado  vii,  Oomo  Lazarillo  se  asento  con  un  Aguacil^trto . , 
because  the  transition  from  lazarillo, the  servant  or  the  buldero 
^to  Lar.arillo  tho  willingly  deceived  husband  is  too  abrupt. 
Perhaps  tho  author  le^t  hin  at  this  nek  stage  of  his  development 
because  he  realized  that  tho  man  would  be  as  Repellent  as  the 
boy  had  been  vinning, 

Guzman  is  the  complete  rascal,  A  sneak  thief  in  his  youth 
r.nd  an  embezzler  et  maturity,  he  has  served  in  the  gal3eys  and 
repented  of  his  ways,  lie  tells  his  story  vith  reluctance  and 
*■  part  of  his  hard  penance  in  order  that  hjs  experience  may  be 
a  warning  to  others.  His  criminal  life  ha^been  a  full  one  and 

11  rounded.  Aleman  declared  that  it  wa3  his  purpose  to  make 
him  a  raming  rather  than  an  example.  Hence  his  story  is  told 
in  the  manner  of  r  penitent  at  an  experience  meeting.  He  suggests 
a  sad-faced  person  who  sinned  gloomily,  not  cheerfully  like 
Lazarillo,  The  contrast  bttwten  the  two  lies  in  the  faot  that 


vter»g>*£h^a^oii1taar€re---<^  ie  the 


^ 


lazarillo  was  a  normally  vicious  boy  and  that  Guzman  is  a  canting 
penitent  with  an  ungovernable  desire  to  philosophise  upon  his 
own  transgressions, 

Pablos  is  a  monster  of  wickednoso  with  a  sneer  for  every 
virtue.  In  his  code, if  indeed  he  had  one,  every  act  is  permis- 
sible. His  utter  lack  of  a  moral  sense  and  human  feeling  nake> 
of  him  the  most  unprincipled  figure  in  Spanish  literature.  He 
has  not  one  redeeming  feature,  and  the  marvel  is  that  in  spite 
of  it  ho  is  not  exaggerated,  no  softened  just  once,  and  he  des- 
cribes his  emotions  in  Just  one  word,  enterneoine.  It  was  forced 
from  him  by  the  sight  of  his  father's  body  lying  ouarteAerd  at 
the  cross-roads  before  Segovia,  Twice  he  ;spt,  tho  first  time 
when  he  was  rebuked  by  his  master  after  receiving  ill  treatment 
at  the  hands  .or  rather  throats. of  the  stidonts  at  cicala,  the 
second  timt  nde  enojo"  after  being  the  victim  of  another  filthy 
jest  at  Alcala,He  describes  tho  death  of  his  parents  with  grim 
humor,  robs  his  k.inu  master,  doooives  his  friends  to  his  own  ad- 
vantage,  attempts  deceive  women  into  marrying  hir.,  telling  us  at 
the  same  time  that  his  motives  are  the  coarsest.  He  assists  at 
the  cold  blooded  killing  of  a  bailiff,  and  the  last  glinpso  that 
we  have  of  him  is  with  a  whore  on  his  arm  bound  for  the  Indio  a . 

hen  Lazarillo  deceives  his  masters  wo  laugh  'dth  real  satis- 
faotion;Pabloa  forces  our  laughter  not  by  the  success  of  hi3  scheme* 
but  by  tho  abruptness  of  his  sallies. 

Three  such  divergent  characters  must  have  been  tho  result  of 
distinct  purposes  or  distinot  individualities  in  their  authors. 
The  author  oi  lazarillo  was  a  keen  observer  of  life  with  a  craving 
for  a  realistic  story.  Above  all  ht^vishod  to  satiric  o:-rts»in 
aspects  of  the  churon* 


certain  typon  of  men  engaged  in  it8  3ervioe,and  that  pathetic 

jrtault  of  the  incompatibility  of  an  antiquated  sense  of  honor 

and  new  eoonomio  conditions  -  the  penniless  hidalgo.  The  fact 

that  laaarillo's  story  la  more  a  saoession  of  disconnected  sketches 

than  a  devalopping  story  seems  to  indioate,  more  or  lees  vague- 
st 
ly  to  he  sure,  that  the  authors  motive  was  satire,  and  not 

narrative,  or  perhaps  more  exaotly,  satire  on  a  narrative  skele- 
ton. Ika  result  of  this  synthesis  was  the  halting:  creation  of 
a        us  novel.  The  r.troko  of  genius  came  in  the  adoption 
of  tfcj  autobiographical  form,  rhich  added  the  sKljemente,  of  in- 
timacy, vividness  and  rapidity*  "..•/•"-.i ...  Ij* \ ,'.- '} 

Hateo  Aieman  was  the  first  to  realize  fully  the  possibilities 
of  the  form  of  ?iotion  outlined  in  the  Lasarlllo.  There  could 
he  no  better  vehicle  to  carry  the  load  of  the  autobiography  of 
a  rascal  and  the  Philosophical  musings  with  vmich  ho  chose -Jb 
lartf  lt.f(  He  was  himself  something  of  a  rogue^and  it  is  to  be 
presumed  that  he  had  at  hand  a  copious  supply  of  secowlrate  ser- 
mons.  He  preserved  only  the  fundomnetal  idea  of  the  Lazarillo  - 
protagonist  must  be  a  rogue.  He  bent  all  his  efforts  to  the 
formation  of  a  connected  narrative,  taxing  his  roll  known  in- 
ity  as  a  hypocrite  to  convince  his  readers  of  the  genuine 
repentance  of  his  rascal  hero.  A  hypocrite  can  norer  possess  the 
gift  of  satire, consequently  Guzman  lacks  the  penetrating  and 

tirical  humor  of  Lazarillo  and  ?nblos,and  oomes  to  be  a  preach- 
ing villain  who  is  interesting  only  when  he  forgets  that  his 
whole  eristenoe  is  not  roguery  hut  preaching. 

s,      The  predominating  spirit  in  all  the  early  writings  of  Quevedo 
is  RRtire,oorrosiVQ  and  burning, both  in  verse  and  in  prose. 
Until  his  introduction  to  politics  in  1614, after  his  departure 


■ 


for  Italy  to  Join  Don  Pedro  C-iron,  Duque  de  Osuna,  his  vein 
was  the  satiro  of  the  Sue&os  >  The  oreation  ox  the  inhumanly 
objective  Pablos  was  a  means  to  enhanoe  further  the  keenness 
of  his  observations.  This  period  in  Quevedo's  life  was  one  of 
blackest  pessimiBm  and  his  indulgence  of  his  pessimistio  ten- 
dency in  satire  culminated  vith  the  Bub con.  He  had  reached  that 
point  where  he  could  tafcEterVW-  create  in  Fablos  an  individual 
without  conscience  and  who  could  see  only  v/ha*  was  hideous.  To 
Pabloa  nothing  was  good  or  bad,  because  his  creator  hmi"  lef  t 
out  of  hlfl  make-up  the  moral  sense  that  could  distinguish  Be- 
tween good  and  bad  and  between  oruel  and  tender.  Pablos  is  merely 
the  neutral  glass  through  v/erK  are  to  see  human  folly,  cruelty 

A 

-  vice  in  its  most  revolting  aspect.  In  the  Fiu/flos  w« 


soe  the  same  picture  in  all  its  details,  but  in  Psblos  it  be- 
comes v oil: is tu  1  ^aid  ltl  lesson  i3  driven  home.  After  3eeing  Pablos 
surrounding-*  through  PabXos1  «yes  wo  hear  his  mockery  and  Jeers. 
Ho  satiro  could  be  mora  orunl  than  thiB. 


b 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

pi»«tnt  ).|,Mi  In  -ilhjch  renewed. 
Renewel  bqpk^aie  subject  to  imine'lfi'ate  recall. 


hegeiveM;  INTERLIBRARY  LOAfsT 


APR  2  fe'67  -^  ^AY    91984 


JUL50TO1^IV.  OF  CALIF.,  BERK. 


Htf  in  lnt?rlihr,tV  l{ 

Ju"2  1 1984 


TE  082G& 


